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ALIENATION 




OF THE 


Delaware and Shawanese 

Indians. 




1 759 - 





/ 


CAUSES OF THE ALIENATION 


OF THE 



£■/ X / 1 

/ o L t 


Dei .AWARE AND SHAWANESE 

Indians 


FROM THE 


BRITISH INTEREST. 

f» 




PHILADELPHIA: 
JOHN CAMPBELL, 

MDCCCLXVII. 










~P<a 



/ 


No. 


Edition of 250 Copies, 

Of which 75 copies are in quarto, and 25 copies 

in folio. 



PRINTED BY HENPY? B. ASHMEAD, 


No. 1102 Sansom Street. 


ENQUIRY 

INTO THE 

Caufes of the Alienation 

O F T H E 

Delaware and Shawanese Indians 

FROM THE 

BRITISH INTEREST, 

And into the Meafures taken for recovering their 

Friendship. 

Extracted from the Public Treaties, and other Authen¬ 
tic Papers relating to the Tranfadhons of the Govern¬ 
ment of Penfelvania and the faid Indians , for near Forty 
Years; and explained by a M A P of the Country. 

Together with the remarkable Journal of Chrijiian Frederic Poft, 
by whofe Negotiations, among the Indians on the Ohio , they were 
withdrawn from the Interell of the French , who thereupon 
abandoned the Fort and Country. 

With Notes by the Editor explaining fundry Indian Cuiloms, See. 


Written in Penfylvania . 


LONDON: 

Printed for J. W ilkie, at the Bible, in St. Paul’s Church-yard. 

MDCCLIX. 









THE 


INTRODUCTION. 

I r has been to many a Caule of Won- 
der, how it comes to pafs that the 
EngliJJ: have fo few Indians in their In- 
tereft, while the French have fo many 
at Command; and by what Means and 
for what Reafons thofe neighbouring 
Tribes in particular, who, at the firft 
Arrival of the Englifh in Penfylvania , and 
for a long Series of Years afterwards, 
fhewed every Mark of Affe&ion and 
Kindnels, fhould become our mod: bitter 
Enemies, and treat thofe whom they had 
fo often declared they looked upon as their 
Brethren, nay as their own Flefh and 
Blood, with fuch barbarous Cruelties. 

By fome they are looked on as faithlefs 
and perfidious; while others, confidering 
their former Friendfhip, the many Services 
they have done the Englijh y and the steady 

At- 








L 4 j 

Attachment they have fhewed to our In- 
tereft during feveral Wars with France , 
imagine there muft be fome Caufe for 
this Change in their Behaviour. The 
Indians themfelves, when called upon in 
a public Treaty, to explain the Motives of 
their Conduct, declare that the Sollicita- 
tions of the French , joined with the Abufes 
they have fuffered from the Englijh , parti¬ 
cularly in being cheated and defrauded of 
their Land, have at length induced them 
to become our Enemies and to make War 
upon us. 

That the French had been adtive to 
draw off the Indians , and engage them in 
their Intereft, was not doubted: But as 
to the Complaints they made of Abufes 
received from the Englijh , and of their 
being wronged of their Lands, much 
Pains have been taken to reprefent them 
as groundlefs, and only lame Excufes for 
their late Perfidioufnefs. Nay fome have 
gone fo far as to fay, that thefe Complaints 
are the Effects of the unhappy Divilions 
that prevailed in this Government. 

In order therefore to clear up thefe 
Points, and to examine into the Founda¬ 
tion and Truth of thefe Complaints, Re- 
courfe has been had to as many of the 

Treaties 


[ 5 j 

Treaties and Conferences held between the 
Indians and this Government, for above 
thirty Years part, as could be procured. 

It is a Matter of no lmall Confequence 
to know the Grounds of the Complaints 
made by the Indians , that, in cafe they 
are falfe, Juftice may be done to the 
Characters of thofe who are injured there¬ 
by ; and, if true, that proper Remedies 
may be applied, and that the Crown of 
Great Britain may not, by the Avarice and 
Wickednefs of a few, be deprived of the 
Friendfhip and Alliance of thofe Nations 
who are capable of being our moft ufeful 
Friends, or moft dangerous Enemies. 

’ It could have been wiftied, for the Sake 
of Truth, that Accefs had been allowed 
to the Minutes of Council, which are 
the only public Record kept of the Trans¬ 
actions between the Government of Penfyl- 
vania and the Indians ; or that the Minutes 
of feveral Conferences with the Indians had 
been duly taken, and regularly publifhed; 
or that all the Deeds granted by the In¬ 
dians had been recorded in the Rolls-Office, 
as they ought to have been: Had thefe 
been done, the Matter might have been 
fet in a fuller and clearer Light. How¬ 
ever, by perufing the following Extracts, 

taken 



[ 6 ] 

taken from fuch Treaties as could be met 
with, from the Votes of the Affembly, 
from fuch Deeds as have been recorded, 
and from other authentic Papers and Let¬ 
ters, it will be clearly feen whether the 
Complaints of the Indians are only invent¬ 
ed to palliate their late Conduct; whether 
they are the Effects of Party; or whether 
their Pretenlions are reafonable and their 
Demands confident with Juftice. 


* 


AN 


A N 


ENQUIRY, & c. 


G Overnor Keith having, in 1722, re-Introduc- 
ceived Advice that Tome Perfons under ^L on t0 
Pretence of fearching for Copper Mines, 
tended to take up Lands, by virtue of Mary¬ 
land Rights on the Weft Side of the River Suf- 
quehannah above Conejlogo , iflued a Proclamation 
to prevent them. Soon after, having Advice 
that fome Perfons were actually gone from 
Maryland to furvey the Land, he went thither 
himfelf with the Surveyor-General of the Pro¬ 
vince, and arriving firft, ordered the Surveyor- 
General, by virtue of Proprietary Rights which 
he had before purchafed, to furvey for him five 
hundred and thirty Acres of Land upon that 
Spot, which he perceived was like to prove a 
Bone of Contention and the Occafion of Mis¬ 
chief. Upon his Return being informed that 
the young Men of Conejlogo were going out to 
War, he thought it neceflary to hold a Confer¬ 
ence with thofe Indians ; and accordingly going 
to their Town, called a Meeting of the Chiefs 
of the Mingoes , the Shawanefe , and the Ganaway 
(Corny) Indians , at which he reminded them of 
the Friendftiip that fubfifted between them and Co neftogo 
this Government, of the Favours he had done Treaty, 
them, how he had gone to Virginia to serve 1722. 

them, 








( 8 ) 

them, and at their Requefl removed one John 
Grifi from a Settlement he had made beyond 
the Sufquehannah , and had ftri&ly forbidden any 
Perfon from takeing up Lands or fettling there 
without his Leave, &c. In the Clofe of his 
Speech he informs them of the News he had 
heard of their going to War, and abfolutely 
forbids them to go. 

Hereupon the Indians called a Council, and 
having agreed upon an Anfwer, met the Gover¬ 
nor next Day: And Civility their Chief having, 
in the Name of the Indians , thanked the Gover¬ 
nor for the Pains he had taken to ferve them, 
and expreffed the Confidence they had in the 
Government, declares, that tho’ their Warriors 
were intended againft the Catawbas , yet as the 
Governor difapproved of their going they 
fhould be immediately flopped, after which he 
proceeds to fay, “That when the Proprietor, 
William Penn , came into this Country Forty 
Years ago, he got fome Perfon at New York to 
purchafe the Lands on Sufquehannah from the 
Five Nations, who pretended a Right to them, 
having conquered the People formerly fettled 
there; that when William Penn came from New 
York he fent for them to hold a Council with 
him at Philadelphia , and fhewed them a Parch¬ 
ment, which he told them was a Right to thofe 
Lands, that he had purchafed them from the 
Five Nations, for which he had fent a great 
many Goods in a VefTel to New York\ that 
when the Coneftogoes underftood he had bought 
their Land, they were forry; upon which Wil¬ 
liam Penn took the Parchment and laid it upon 
the Ground, faying to them, that it fhould be 
in common amongft them, viz. the Englifh and 
the Indians ; that when William Penn had after 
that Manner given them the fame priviledge 

to 


( 9 ) 

to the Land as his own People, he told them 
he would not do as the Marylanders did, by 
calling them Children or Brothers only; for 
often Parents would be apt to whip their Chil¬ 
dren too feverely, and Brothers fometimes 
would differ; neither would he compare the 
briendfhip between him and the Sufquehannah 
Indians to a Chain, for the Rain might fome¬ 
times ruff it, or a Tree fall and break it; but 
he faid the Indians fhould be effeemed by him 
and his People as the fame Flefh and Blood 
with the Chriffians, and the fame as if one 
Man’s Body was to be divided in two Parts. 
After they had made fo firm a League with 
IVilliam Penn , he gave them that Parchment, 
(here Civility held a Parchment in his Hand) 
and told them to preferve it carefully for three 
Generations, that their Children might fee and 
know what then patted in Council, as if he re¬ 
mained himfelf with them to repeat it, but that 
the fourth Generation would both forget him 
and it.” 

Civility prefented to the Governor the Parch¬ 
ment in his Hand to read; it contained Articles 
of Friendfhip and Agreement made between 
the Proprietary and them, and confirmed the 
Sale of Lands made by the Five Nations to 
the Proprietary*. 

* Query. By what Civility lays, would it not appear that 
the Indians were not made fully acquainted with the Nature 
of that Parchment, for after what is faid of their being forry 
that the Proprietor had bought their Lands, can it be 
imagined that they intended by it to give up their Right to 
that Land, or to confirm to the Proprietary the Purchafe 
made of the Five Nations, without referving themfelves a 
Right to thofe Lands in common with the Englijh , agree¬ 
able to what they imagined was promifed to them ? But 
it may be noted, all we know of the Contents of the Writing 
is from this account given by the Proprietary Agents. 


( IO ) 


1 Phe Governor s Anjwer to this is as follows : 

“I am very glad to find that you remember 
fo perfectly the wife and kind Exprefiions of 
the great and good William Penn towards you; 
and I know that the Purchafe which he made 
of the Lands on both Sides Sufquehannah , is 
exactly true as you tell it, only I have heard 
farther, that when he was fo good to tell your 
People that notwithstanding that Purchafe the 
Lands fhould Still be in common between his 
People and them, you anfwered, that a very 
little Land would ferve you, and thereupon 
you fully confirmed his Right by your own 
Confent and good Will, as the Parchment you 
fhewed me fully declares.” 

On the fecond Day of the Conference the 
Governor bade Civility alk all the Indians pre- 
fent, if they were well pleafed to underhand 
that the Governor had taken up a fmall Tra6t 
of Land fo near them on the other Side of 
Sufquehannah . 

They answered, That they liked it very well, 
and faid it was good Luck to them that there 
was any Thing to be found there which could 
invite the Governor to make a Settlement 
amongSt them; but they defired to know 
whether the Governor’s fettling there would 
not occafion the immediate Settlement of all 
that Side of the River, and if that was the 
Governor’s Intention. 

To which the Governor anfwered, “It was 
not the Intention of the Government as yet, 
to fuffer that Side of the River to be fettled, 
being they could have no Magistrates or great 
Men there to keep the People in Peace and 
good Order; and that the Governor had only 

taken 




( 11 ) 

taken up that Land himfelf at this Time to 
prevent others from doing it without his 
Knowledge, and contrary to his Orders ; and 
that he might be nearer to them himfelf, in 
order to fave and protecff them from being dis¬ 
turbed by any Perlons whatfoever.” 

At this Treaty the Indians complain of the 
Damage they receive by ffrong Liquor being 
brought among them; they fay, “Th z Indians 
“could live contentedly and grow rich, if it 
“ were not for the Quantities of Rum that is 

<v 

“ buffered to come amongft them, contrary to 
“what William Penn promifed them.” 

In anfwer to this the Governor, after letting 
them know how much he is pleafed with the 
Satisfaction they exprefs at his making a fmall 
Settlement near them, “Affures them that he 
will be at fome Pains to make it ufeful and 
convenient to them, by endeavouring to hinder 
his People from bringing fuch Quantities of 
Rum to fell among the Indians 

In the Treaty held at Philadelphia July 1727, 
between Governor Gordon and the Deputies of 
the Five Nations, the Indians Speaker, Panne- 
whannegah , informs the Governor, “That the 
Chiefs of all the Five Nations being met in 
Council, and underftanding that the Governor 
of this Province had divers Times fent for 
them to come hither, had therefore fent him 
and thofe prefent with him, to know the Gov¬ 
ernor’s Pleafure.” After this he proceeds to 
fay, “That the firff Governor of this Place, 
Onas , (/. e. Governor Penn) when he firff arrived 
here, fent to them to defire them to fell Land 
to him, that they anfwered they would not fell 
it then, but they might do it in Time to come; 
that being feveral times fent for, they were 
now come to hear what the Governor had to 

offer, 


( 12 ) 

offer, that when the Governor was at Albany he 
had {poke to them to this Purpofe; Well, my 
Brethren, you have gained the Victory, you 
have overcome thefe People, and their Lands 
are yours, we fhall buy them of you. How 
many Commanders are there amongft you?” 
And being told they were forty, he faid, 
“Then if you will come down to me I will 
give each of thefe Commanders a Suit of 
Cloaths fuch as I wear.” He farther takes 
Notice, “That a former Governor meeting 
fome of the Warriors of the Five Nations at 
Coneftogo , defired them to fpeak to their Chiefs 
about the Purchafe of the Land at PJanandowa\ 
that having no Wampum to fend by them as 
a Token of the Meffage, he gave the Warriors 
a Calk of Powder with fome Shot, a Piece of 
red Strowds and fome Duffels; that the War¬ 
riors delivered their Meffage to their Chiefs, 
who have now fent to let the Governor know 
they are willing to proceed to a Sale.” 

In anfwer to this the Governor tells them, 
“ That he is glad to fee them, that he takes 
their Vifit very kindly at this Time, but that 
they were misinformed when they fuppofed the 
Governor had fent for them; that Governor 
Penn had, by Means of Colonel Dungan , 
already bought of the Five Nations the Lands 
on Sufquehannah\ that the Chiefs of the Five 
Nations about five Years ago, when Sir Wil¬ 
liam Keith was at Albany , had of themfelves 
confirmed the former Grant, and abfolutely re¬ 
leafed all Pretenfions to thefe Lands; that the 
Prefent which a former Governor made to 
fome Indian Warriors at Coneftogo , was not with 
a View to purchafe the Lands at PJanandowa ; 
that he was obliged to them for their Offer to 
fell thefe Lands if they were not yet purchafed; 

but 


( l 3 ) 

but that he cannot treat about them at prefent; 
that JVilliam Penns Son, who was born in this 
Country, is expected over here; who, when he 
comes, may treat with them if he thinks it 
proper; that, in the mean Time, as thefe Lands 
lie next to the Englifh Settlements, tho’ at a 
great Diftance, he fhall take this Offer as Proof 
of their Refolution to keep them for him.” 

After this the Indians , defiring a farther Con¬ 
ference with the Governor, inform him, “That 
“there come many Sorts of Traders among 
“ them, both Indians and Englifh , who all cheat 
“them, and, tho’ they get their Skins, they 
“give them very little in Pay: They have fo 
“little for them they cannot live, and can 
“ fcarce procure Powder and Shot to hunt with 
“and get more. Thefe Traders bring little of 
“ thefe, but inffead of them they bring Rum, 
“which they fell very dear.” They farther 
take Notice, “That both the French and the 
“Englifh are railing Fortifications in their 
“Country, and in their Neighbourhood, and 
“ that great Numbers of People are fent thither, 
“the Meaning of which they do not very well 
“conceive, but they fear fome ill Confequence 
“from it. They defire that no Settlements 
“ may be made up Sufquehannah higher than 
“ Paxton ; that none of the Settlers thereabouts 
“be fuffered to keep or fell any Rum there; 
“ for that being the Road by which their Peo- 
“ pie go out to War, they are apprehenfive of 
“ Mifchief, if they meet with Liquor in thefe 
“ Parts, for the fame reafons they defire that 
“ none of the Traders be allowed to carry any 
“ Rum to the Ohio: And this they defire may 
“ be taken Notice of as the Mind of the Chiefs 
“ of the Five Nations.” 

To this the Governor anfwered, that, “as to 

Trade, 


Minutes 
of Coun¬ 
cil deli¬ 
vered to 
the Affem- 
bly. 


( 14 ) 

Trade, they know it is the Method of all that 
follow it to buy as cheap, and fell as dear, as 
they can, and every Man muff make the belt 
Bargain he can; the Indians cheat the Indians , 
and the Englijh cheat the Englijh , and every 
Man mull be on his Guard; that as to Rum 
feveral Laws had been made to prevent its 
being carried among them, that they might 
break the Calks and deftroy all the Rum that 
was brought to them; that hitherto no Settle¬ 
ments had been allowed to be made above 
Paxton , but as young People grow up they will 
fpread of Courfe, tho’ that will not be very 
fpeedily; that as to the Fortifications, the 
Englijh being their Friends, they had nothing 
to fear from any they made, and as to thofe 
made by the French , they were fo remote he 
knew nothing of them/’ 

Upon Information being made to the Gover¬ 
nor, in April 1728, by one Letort an Indian 
Trader, that Manawkybichon, a Delaware Chief, 
to revenge the Death of IVequeala * (or JVeekwe- 
ley) who had been hanged in the JerJeys the 
Year before, was endeavouring to engage the 
Miamis , or Fweektwees , to make War on the 
Englijh , and that the Five Nations had joined 
with him, it was thought advifeable to enquire 
farther into this Matter. In the mean Time, 
it was judged proper, that the Governor lhould 
take fome Notice of the Indians on Sujquehan- 
nah and Delaware , thefe People generally think¬ 
ing themfelves flighted, as no Treaty had been 
held with them for fome Time. 

* This Weekweley is the fame referred to in the Lancajler 
Treaty in May 1757, whole Death is alligned by the Depu¬ 
ties ol the Five Nations as one of the Caufes of the prelent 
Difference between the Delawares and Englijh . 


In 


( l 5 ) 

In Confequence of this, the Governor, as Treaty of 
foon as he received Advice that Captain Civil- Coneft ogo 
ity. Chief of the Coneftogo Indians , was returned I7z8 ‘ 
with his People from Hunting, difpatched an 
Exprefs to acquaint thofe Indians , that he 
would meet them about the 23d of May at 
Coneftogo , where he defired that the Chiefs of 
all the Indians might be prefent, and that Cap¬ 
tain Civility would difpatch Meflengers to 
SaJJoonan , Opekajfet and Manawkyhickon , Chiefs 
of the Delawares , who live up the River Su/que- 
hannah , to be there. At the Time appointed 
the Governor went and met the Chiefs of the 
Coneftogoes , the Delaware Indians , on Brandy- 
IVine , the Canaweje , and the Shawaneje Indians. 

At this Conference the Governor put them in 
Mind of the League of Friendfhip which had 
long fubfifted between them and this Govern¬ 
ment, and refrefhes their Memory by repeating 
the principal Heads of it. After this he in¬ 
forms them, that he heard the Tweektwees were 
coming as Enemies againft this Country, which 
he thought mull: be falfe as he had never hurt 
the Dweektwees : He next acquaints them of a 
late Skirmifh between eleven foreign Indians 
and about twenty of his People, at a Place 
called Mahanatawny ; that, upon receiving the 
News, he immediately repaired to the Place, 
but found the Indians gone; that, upon his 
Return, he was informed of two or three furi¬ 
ous Men having killed three friendly Indians , 
and hurt two Girls, which grieved him much; 
that thereupon he had the Murderers appre¬ 
hended and put in Prifon, and that they fhould 
be tried and punifhed as if they had killed 
white People. He likewife lets them know 
that, about eight Months ago, an Engli/h Man 
was killed by fome Indians at the Houfe of 


( 16 ) 

John Burt in Snake-Town, and defires they 
would apprehend the Murderers and bring 
them to Juftice. 

The Indians, in their Anfwer, let the Gover¬ 
nor know, they are well fatisfied with what he 
had faid, and allure him that what had happened 
at John Burls Houle was not done by them, 
but by one of the Minyfink's*, another Nation, 
for which Reason they can say nothing to it. 
Treaty at As the Mefiages which Civility fent to the 
Phi lade 1 - Delaware Chiefs, who lived on Sufquehannah , did 
phia 1 728. not them foon enough for them to attend, 

the Treaty at Conejlogo, the Governor defired 
them to meet him at Philadelphia. ‘{'Accord¬ 
ingly, a few Days after, SaJJoonan, King of the 
Delawares, with Opekajfet, and a few more of 
his principal Men, came to Philadelphia, where 
the Governor gave them a hearty welcome, re¬ 
newed the Treaties of Friendfhip which Mr. 
Penn had made with them ; acquainted them of 
the Skirmifh that had happened betwixt his Peo¬ 
ple and a Party of Shawaneje, who came armed 
and painted for War, and were taken for ftrange 
Indians', informed them of the unhappy Acci¬ 
dent that had followed, and of his cauling the 
Murderers to be apprehended and put in Gaol 
to be tried and punifhed as if they had killed 
one of his Majelly’s Subjeds ; and, laftly, he 
condoled with the Friends of the Murdered, 
and comforted them after the Indian Manner. 

In anfwer to this, SaJJoonan thanks the Gover¬ 
nor for the Speech he had made, declares him- 
felf well plealed with what the Governor faid in 

* Here it appears the Mbiifinks were declared to be a 
Nation over whom they had no authority, 
c f Tho’ a Meflage was lent to Manawkybichan , as well 
as to thefe, yet he did riot come, being at that Time full 
of Refentment for the Death of his Kinfman. 


Relation 


( i7 ) 

Relation to the Accident that had happened to 
the Indians , and defired that no Mifunderfland- 
ing might arife on that Account, and concluded 
with faying, that, in two Months, he defigned 
to return and fpeak more fully. 

But, being told, that if he had any Thing at 
all upon his Mind, it was now a proper Time 
to fpeak it, that it might be heard by all that 
Company, addreffmg himfelf to Mr. James 
Logan* he proceeded to fay, “That he was 
“ grown old, and was troubled to fee the Chrif- 
“ tians fettle on Lands that the Indians had 
“ never been paid for; they had fettled on his 
cc Lands, for which he had never received any 
“ Thing; that he is now an old Man, and mull 
“ foon die; that his Children may wonder to 
“ fee all their Father’s Lands gone from them 
“without his receiving any Thing for them; 
“ that the Chrillians now make their Settle- 
“ ments very near them, and they fhall have 
“ no Place of their own left to live on ; that 
“ this may occafion a Difference between their 
“Children and us hereafter; and he would 
“willingly prevent any Mifunderllanding that 
“ may happen.” 

As this Speech was addreffed to Mr. Logan , 
he, with the Leave of the Governor, anfwered, 
“ That he was no otherwife concerned in the 
“ Lands of this Province than as he was en- 
“ trufted, with other Commiffioners, by the 
“ Proprietor to manage his Affairs of Property 
“ in his Abfence; that William Penn had made 
“ it a Rule never to fuffer any Lands to be fet- 
“ tied by his People, till they were firfh pur- 
“ chafed of the Indians', that his Commiffioners 

* Mr. Loga?i was the Secretary and the Proprietaries 
principal Agent or Commiffioner for Land Affairs during 
near forty Years. 

C 


had 




( 18 ) 

“ had followed the fame Rule, and how little 
“ Reafon there was for any Complaint againft 
£< him, or the Commidioners, he would now 
££ make appear.” 

He faid, “That Sajfoonan , who is now pre- 
££ fent, with divers others of the Indian Chiefs, 
££ about ten Years fince, having a Notion that 
££ they had not been fully paid for their Lands, 

£ came to Philadelphia to demand what was due 
££ to them; that the Bufinefs was heard in Coun- 
££ cil, and he then produced to thofe Indians a 
££ great Number of Deeds, by which their An- 
££ ceStors had fully conveyed, and were as fully 
“paid for all their Lands from Duck Creek to 
££ near the Forks of Delaware , and that the In- 
£C dians were then entirely fatisfied with what 
££ had been Shewn to them ; and the Commit 
££ fioners, to put an End to all further Claims 
££ or Demands of that Kind, in Consideration 
t£ of their Journey and Trouble, made them a 
££ Prefent in the Proprietor’s Name and Behalf, 
££ upon which they agreed to Sign an abfolute 
££ Releafe for all thole Lands, and of all De- 
££ mands whatfoever upon Account of the faid 
“Purchafe:” And exhibiting the faid Instru¬ 
ment of Releafe, he deSired it might be read, 
which was done in thefe Words ; 

“We Sajfoonan , King of the Delaware In- 
££ dians , and Pokehais , Metafhichay , Aiyamaikan , 
“ Pepawmaman, Ghettypenceman and Opekaffet , 
££ Chiefs of the faid Indians , do acknowledge 
££ that we have feen and heard divers Deeds of 
££ Sale read unto us, under the Hands and Seals 
££ of the former Kings and Chiefs of the Dela- 
££ ware Indians , our Ancestors and PredecelTors, 
££ who were Owners of Lands between Dela- 
££ ware and Sufquehannah Rivers; by which 
££ Deeds they have granted and conveyed unto 

££ William 


( l 9 ) 

William Penn , Proprietor and Governor in 
Chief of the Province of Penfylvania , and to 
his Heirs and Affigns, all and Angular their 
£< Lands, Iflands, Woods and Waters, fituate 
between the faid two Rivers of Delaware and 
‘ c Sufquehannah, and had received full Satisfac- 
<c tion for the fame. And we do further ac- 
“ knowledge, that we are fully content and 
“ fatisfied with .the faid Grant. And whereas 
“ the Commiffioners, or Agents of the faid 
William Penn , have been pleafed, upon our 
c< Vifit to this Government, to beftow on us, as 
“ a free Gift, in the Name of the faid William 
“Penn, thefe following Goods, viz. * two 
“ Guns, fix Strowd-water Coats, fix Blankets, 
cc fix Duffel Match-Coats, and four Kettles, we 
<£ therefore, in Gratitude for the faid Prefent, 
“ as well in Confideration of the feveral Grants 
<c made by our Anceffors and Predeceffors, as 
“ of the faid feveral Goods herein before-men- 
“tioned, the Receipt whereof we do hereby 
“ acknowledge, do, by thefe Prefents, for us, 
“our Heirs and Succeffors, Grant, Remife, 
“ Releafe, and for ever quit Claim unto the faid 
“ William Penn , his Heirs and Affigns, all the 
<£ faid Lands fituate between the faid two Rivers 
“ of Delaware and Sufquehannah , from Duck 
“ Creek to the Mountains on this Side Lechaiy , 
“and all our Eflate, Right, Title, Intereff, 
“ Property, Claim and Demand whatfoever, in 
“ and to the fame, or any Part thereof; fo that 
“ neither we, nor any of us, nor any Perfon 
“ or Perfons, in the Behalf of any of us, fhall, 
<c or may hereafter, lay any Claim to any of the 
“ faid Lands, or in anywife molefl the faid Wil- 

* The Value of thefe Goods about ten Pounds Sterling , 
or one Year’s Quit-Rent of 20,000 Acres of Land at the 
old Rent, of 5,000 Acres at the new. 


c c liam 


( 20 ) 

“ liam Penn , his Heirs or Afligns, or any Per- 
££ fon claiming by, from, or under him, them, 
“ or any of them, in the peaceable and quiet 
<£ Enjoyment of the fame. In Witnefs whereof 
“ we have hereunto fet our Hands and Seals, at 
“ Philadelphia , the feventeenth Day of Septem- 
“ her , in the Year of our Lord One Thoufand 
“feven Hundred and eighteen. 

££ Sealed and deli- Sajfoonan his Mark o 
££ vered (by all but Pokehais his Mark o 
£C Pokehais and Pe- JVLetafheechay his Mark o 
“ pawmam an, who Ayyamaikan his Mark o 
“were abfent) in Ghettypenceman his Mark o 
££ the Prefence of Opekajfet his Mark o 
££ W. Kieth, Ro- Pepawmaman his Mark o 
££ bert AJhheton, Sa- 

££ muel P reft on, Anthony Palmer, Jonathan Dick- 
££ injon, Indian Sam , Son to EJfepenaike, Indian 
££ Peter, Pokehais*s Nephew or Aweaykoman, 
££ Kachaguefconk , or Poby, his Mark, Pujfoighee- 
“ man, his Mark, Neefhalappih , or Andrew , his 
££ Mark. Sealed and delivered by Pokehais and 
££ Pepawmaman in the Prefence of James Logan , 
££ Robert AJheton, Clement Plumfted, David Evans , 
££ Nedawaway , or Oliver , Nee/halappy , or An- 
££ drew.” 

This Deed Sajfoonan and Opekajfet both ac¬ 
knowledged to be true, and that they had been 
paid for all the Lands therein-mentioned; but 
Sajfoonan faid, the Lands beyond thefe Bounds 
had never been paid for; that thefe reached no 
farther than a few Miles beyond Oley, but that 
their Lands on Pulpyhockin were feated by the 
Chriftians. 

Mr. Logan anfwered, that he underftood at 
the Time that Deed was drawn, and ever fince, 
that Lechay Hills, or Mountains, ftretched 

away 


( 21 ) 

away from a little below Lechay , or the Forks 
of Delaware , to thofe Hills on Sufquehannah , 
that lie about ten Miles above Pexton. Mr. 
Farmer faid, thofe Hills pafTed from Lechay a 
few Miles above Oley, and reached no farther, 
and that Pulpyhockin Lands lay beyond them. 

Mr. Logan proceeded to fay, that whether 
thofe Lands of Pulpyhockin were within or with¬ 
out the Bounds mentioned in the Deed, he 
well knew that the Indians , fome few Years fince, 
were feated on them, and that he, with the 
other Commiffioners, would never confent that 
any Settlement fhould be made on Lands, 
where the Indians were feated; that thefe Lands 
were fettled wholly againft their Minds, and 
even without their Knowledge. 

After this, Mr. Logan , by a Petition prefent- 
ed to Governor Keith by the Dutch settled at 
Pulpyhockin , goes on to prove, that merely by 
the Authority of Governor Keith , “Thofe 
“ Foreigners (namely the Dutch) had been en¬ 
couraged to invade thefe Lands (at Pulpyhoc - 
“kin) to the manifeft Injury of the Proprietor, 
“and to the great Abufe of the Indians , who, 
“ at that very Time, were feated there, and had 
“ their Corn destroyed by thofe People’s Crea¬ 
tures.” Then applying to the Indians , “He 
“ defired, that tho’ thefe People had feated 
“ themfelves on the Pulpyhockin Lands, without 
“ the CommilTioners Leave or Confent, yet 
“ that they would not offer them any Violence, 
“or injure them, but wait till fuch Time as 
“ that Matter could be adjufted.” 

As the Governor had examined Civility * and 
the Coneftogo Indians about the Murder that was 
committed at John Burt's , fo likewife he en- 

* An Indian Chief fo called. 

quired 


( 22 ) 

quired of thefe whether they had not heard of 
that Matter, and whether the Indians, who com¬ 
mitted the Murder, belonged to them. They 
faid, they had heard of it, but it was not done 
by any of theirs, but by fome of the MiniJJink 
Indians'. The Governor then alked them where 
thofe of that Nation lived, and under what 
Chief. To which they anfwered, That the Mi- 
nijfinks lived at the Forks of Sufquehannah above 
Meehayomy , and that their King’s Name was 
Kindajfowa. Thus we fee that the Minifflnks 
are quite a distinct Nation from the Northern 
Delawares , of which Sa/foonan was King, and 
confequently no Lands of the former could be 
conveyed away by any Grant from the latter. 

As the Boundaries between the Indians and 
the Engli/h are fo fully afcertained in this Treaty, 
it was thought proper to be thus particular. 
Every Thing relating to Land Affairs are here 
fo clearly dated, the Deed of Releafe fo full 
and explicit, that for the future one would 
imagine no Doubts could arife refpedting 
Lands; or, fhould any arife, they might eafily 
be folved. By what is here faid, it appears 
plain that the Delaware Indians can have no 
Pretenhons to the Lands lying between Sufque- 
hannah and Delaware, from Duck Creek to the 
Lechay Hills below the Forks of Delaware', 
and that the Engli/h, at that Time, had no 
Right or Pretenfions, under Indian Titles, to 
any Lands North of the faid Lechay Hills; that 
all the Deeds, formerly given by the Indians, 
were carefully examined, and the Extent of the 
Lands therein granted was fully afcertained, 
and all included, in the Deed of 1718. 

It may not be amifs to mention here, that 
the Year before, when fome Perfons wanted to 
take up Lands in the Miniffinks (which is in the 

Forks 


( 2 3 0 

Forks of Delaware) Mr. Logan wrote to the 
Surveyor of Bucks County to prevent it; nay, 
would not permit any Lands to be furveyed on 
the Lechay Hills four Miles above Durham , 
becaufe not purchafed of the Indians , unlefs 
the Indians previoufly engage to part with it 
very reafonably. This appears from the an¬ 
nexed Copy of the Letter which has been com¬ 
pared with the Original now in being.* 

In 1729, when the Conejlogoes and Ganaway x re a t y 
Indians came to return the Governor’s Vifit, with the 
and to make him a Prefent, the Shawaneje did Conefto- 
not come, having (as Civility faid) unhappily goe p , ,?f c ' 
fpent all their Provifions on Rum; for which ^phia*' 
Reafon they were obliged to ftay at home and 1729. 
provide Subfiftence for their Families: How¬ 
ever, they contributed their Part of the Prefent 
to be made, and defired that thofe that came, 
to fpeak in their Name. 

At this Treaty Lawenna , an aged Counfellor, 
repeated the Subftance of feveral Conferences 

* Friend Tho. Watfon , Philadelphia , 20. Nov. 1727. 

This Morning I wrote to thee by Jac. Taylor concerning 
Warrants that may be offered thee to be laid out on the Mi- 
nijjink Lands, and was then of Opinion, that the Bearer, 
hereof, Jof. Wheeler , propofed to lay his there. Having 
fince feen him, he tells me he has no fuch Thought, but 
would have it laid three or four miles above Durham , on a 
Spot of pretty good Land there amongfl the Hills, and, I 
think, at fome Diftance from the River, propofing, as he 
fays, to live there himfelf with his Kinfman, who was here 
with him. Pray take the firft Opportunity to mention it to 
J. Langhorn ; for, if he has no confiderable Obje&ion to it 
(that.is, if he has laid no Right on it) I cannot fee that we 
fhould make any other than that it is not purchafed of the In¬ 
dians, which is fo material an One, that, without their pre¬ 
vious Engagement to part with it very reafonably, it cannot 
be furveyed there. But of this they themfelves, I mean Jof. 

Wheeler , &c. propofe to take Care. This is what offers on 
this Head from thy loving Friend, 

Ja. Logan. 

which 


( 2 4 ) 

which Mr. Penn had held with the Indians ; de- 
fired that Love and Friendfhip might ever 
continue between the Englijh and Indians ; that 
what Governor Penn had fpoke to them might 
ever be remembered; and concludes with fay¬ 
ing, “That he is well pleafed with all that has 
“ palled between us and them, but is apprehen¬ 
sive fome Mifchief may happen thro’ the 
“great Quantities of Rum which are daily 
“ carried amongft th z Indians, who, being greedy 
“ of that Liquor, are foon debauched by it, and 
“ may then eafily be ftirred up to fome unhappy 
“or ill Acftion; that William Penn had told 
“them he would not fufter any large Quantity 
“ of that Liquor to be brought among them, 
“ and that they might ftave the Calks, and fpill 
“ it, if they found any in the Woods; but that 
“now feveral Hogfheads of Rum are brought 
“to Conejiogo , and to feveral other Places in 
“ their Road, and near to them, by which 
“ Means the Indians are tempted not only to 
“ fell their Peltry, but likewife their Cloathing, 
“for that Liquor, and are much impoverifhed 
“ thereby.” 

To this Civility added, “That he was very 
“uneafy left any Mifchief fhould happen thro’ 
“ the great Plenty of Rum daily brought 
“amongft them; his Concern, he faid, was not 
“ fo much for Fear of any Accident among the 
“ Indians themfelves, for if one Indian fhould 
“ kill another they have many Ways of making 
“up fuch an Affair, but his Uneafinefs pro- 
“ ceeded from an Apprehenfion left a Chriftian 
“fhould be ill ufed by any Indian intoxicated 
“ with Liquor.” 

The Governor, in his Anfwer, fays, “He is 
pleafed to fee them, and glad to find they re¬ 
membered what William Penn had faid to them ; 

that 


( 2 S ) . 

that as to what they complained of their fuffer- 
ing by Rum, many Laws had been made againft 
it, but the Indians make all thefe Laws of no 
Effecft; they will have it; they fend their Wo¬ 
men for it to all Places where it can be had; he 
could make no Laws againft their drinking it; 
that they muft make thefe themfelves; that, if 
their Women would carry none, it would be 
moreeafy: However, 1 lhall, fays he, endea¬ 
vour to prevent its being carried in fuch 
Quantities.” 

This was commonly the Cafe when th ^Indians 
complained; they had fair Promifes made them, 
but no effectual Meafures feem to have been 
taken to redrefs the Grievance. 

In 1731, the Governor having received Ad- Treaty 
vice that the Shawaneje had been once or twice with the 
at Montreal to vifit the French Governor, was Shavvanele 

apprehenfive that the French were endeavouring delphia, 
to gain them over to their Intereft, and there- 1732. 
fore fent to invite them to a Conference at 
Philadelphia. In September , 1732, Opakethwa 
and Opakeita , two of their Chiefs, attended with 
two others, came down. Upon their Arrival, 
the Governor afked them, why they had re¬ 
moved fo far back as Allegheny or the Ohio; and 
why they had been fo often of late at Canada? 

To this they anfwered, That they formerly 
lived at Potomack , where their King died; that, 
upon his Death, not knowing what to do, they 
took their Wives and Children, and went over 
the Mountains to live; that they had gone to 
Canada at the earned invitation of the French 
Governor, but without any Intention to leave 
their Brethren the Englijh , or turn their Backs 
upon them. 

They were then put in Mind of their coming 
to Coneftogo about 34 Years before, and of the 
1; Treaties 


( 26 ) 

Treaties they had entered into with this Gov¬ 
ernment, and were informed, that it was a 
Matter of Surprize that they fhould retire and 
leave the Province without firft acquainting 
the Governor with it. They were told, that 
Thomas Penn , who was there prefent, was not 
pleafed they fhould retire to fuch a Diftance; 
that he defired they might live near us; and 
that they might not be ftraitned for want of 
Land, there was a large Tra6t laid out for them 
about their Town near Pexton, which fhould be 
always kept for them, and their Children, for 
all Time to come, or fo long as any of them 
fhould continue to live with us. 

To this they anfwered, that they had heard 
of the Land laid out for them, that they would 
come and fee the Land; but that the Place 
where they are now fuits them better, and is 
fafer to live in; that they are pleafed, however, 
with the Land laid out for them, and defire it 
may be fecured to them. The next Day the 
Proprietor told them, that he would fend a 
Surveyor to run Lines about the Land intend¬ 
ed for them, that none but themfelves and 
Peter Chartiere fhould be allowed to live on it. 

But to return to the Delawares. We have 
feen above that the Lands on Delaware belong¬ 
ed originally to thofe Indians , and that of them 
the Proprietor, or his Agents, had, at feveral 
Times, bought the Lands between Duck Creek 
and the Lechay Hills. H owever, the white Peo¬ 
ple, not confining themfelves to thefe Bounds, 
went over and lettled on the Indian Lands. 
This gave the Indians Uneafinefs. They com¬ 
plained of the Settlement at Tulpyhochin , and 
were perfuaded not to molefl the People fettled 
there, but to wait till that Matter could be 
adjufted. Having waited fome Time without 

receiving 


( 2 7 ) 

receiving any Satisfaction for their Land un¬ 
juft] y taken from them, and feeing further 
Encroachments made, they renewed their Com¬ 
plaints, lo that in 1731 the Affembly took 
Notice of them to the Governor, and defired 
that the Indians might be made eafy refpe&ing 
their Lands which they faid were taken from 
them. In anfwer to this the Governor, in his 
Meffage to the Affembly, fays, “Your Con-y otes of 
“ cern that our own Indians fhould be made the Aflem- 
“eafy, and thofe Complaints be removed thatbly, Vol. 
“ they r have made of the Chriftians fettling the^’P* 1 ^* 
“ Lands they claim, is prudent and juft, and, 

“ in Compliance with your Requeft, I fhall not 
“ only move it to the Proprietary Truftees to 
“make a Purchafe of thefe Indians , but fhall 
“promote it by all the Means in my Power. 

“ This I underftand has been fo long delayed 
“ folely in Expectation of the Arrival of fome 
“of our Proprietors, who, as the Defendants 
“of their late honourable Father, for whofe 
“ Name all the Indians have the higheft Regard, 

“ would be the moil proper to manage fuch an 
“ Affair with his own Eftate. But as I am 
“ affured the Gentlemen now in Truft for them 
‘‘have all poftible Zeal and Affection for the 
‘‘ Peace and true Intereft of the Country, it is 
‘‘ not to be queftioned but that, convinced by 
‘‘the Neceffity of it, they will proceed to the 
‘‘ utmoft Length of the Powers they are in- 
“ vefted with, fo far as they can with any Safety 
“ to themfelves, to anfwer your and my Re- 
“ queft in fo important an Affair.” 

Thus we fee that both the Governor and 
Affembly think it juft and reafonable, nay, that 
it concerns the Peace of the Country, that the 
Indians fhould be made eafy refpe&ing their 
Lands, and that their Complaints fhould be re¬ 
moved. 


( 28 ) 

moved. Nothing however was done in that 
Affair till the Arrival ot the Proprietary T bow as 
Pom, Efq; which was the Year following. Soon 
after his Arrival a Purchafe was made ot the 
Lands at Tidpybockhu This is proved by many 
living Evidences, tho’ the Deeds have not, as we 
can find, been recorded. But, at the lame 1 ime 
the Indians were fatisfied on the one Hand, 
they were injured on the other. W hile they 
were paid for their Lands on Pulpy boehm, they 
were verv unjuftlv, and in a Manner forcibly, 
difpoffelled of their Lands in the forks ot Del¬ 
aware. At this very Time Mr. // illiam Alien* 
was felling the Land in the Miniffinks , which 
had never been purchafed ot the Indians : Nay, 
was near fortv Miles above the Lee bay Hills, 
which was fo folemnly agreed upon to be the 
Boundarv between the EnAifli and Indians. 

Governor Penn had, by his laft V ill and Tel- 
tament, deviled to his Grandfon 11 ill:an Penn , 
and his Heirs, 10,000 Acres of Land, to be let 
out in proper and beneficial Places in this Pro¬ 
vince bv his Truftees. Thele 10,000 Acres 
Mr. Allen purchafed of 111.Haw Penn , the 
Grandfon, and by Virtue ot a Warrant or Or¬ 
der of the Truftees to Jacob Taylor , the Sur- 
vevor-General, to l'urvev the laid 10,000 Acres, 
he had Part of that Land located or laid out in 
the Miniffinks , becaufe it was good Land, tho’ 
it was not vet purchafed of the Indians. Had 
he contented himlelf with fecuring the Right to 
himlelf, and fullered the Lands to remain in the 
PolTellion of the Indians , till it had been duly 
purchafed of them and paid for, no ill Confe- 
quences would have enfued: But tprobablv 

* One of the principal Gentlemen in Penesirama, and a 
great Dealer in Lands purchased of the Proprietaries. 

fuppofing 



( 2 9 ) 

fuppofing the Matter might eafily be accom- 
modated with them in fome future Treaty) no 
fooner had he the Land furveyed to him than 
he began to fell it to thofe who would imme¬ 
diately fettle it. By his Deeds to N. Bepue , 
dated 1733, antl recorded in the Rolls-Office of 
Bucks , it appears that one of the Trafts he 
granted included a Sbawaneje Town, and that 
another was an I (land belonging to the fame 
I ribe of Indians , and from them called the 
Sbawna IJland. 

About this Time the Proprietor publifhed 
Propofals for a Lottery of one hundred Thou- 
fand Acres of Land, which the fortunate Ad¬ 
venturers were, by the fifth Article of the 
Propofals, allowed to “ lay out any where 
“within the Province, except on Manors, 
“ Lands already furveyed or agreed for with 
“ the Proprietors, or their Agents, or that have 
“ been aftually fettled and improved before 
“ the Date of thefe Propofals ; provided never- 
“ thelefs, that fuch Perfons who are fettled on 
“ Lands without warrants for the fame and may 
“ be intituled to Prizes, either by becoming 
“Adventurers themfelves, or by purchafmg 
“ Prize-Tickets, may have Liberty to lay their 
“ Rights on the Lands where they are fo 
“ feated.” So that there was no Exception of 
Lands unpurchafed of the Indians , but rather 
an exp refs Provifion for thofe who had unjuftly 
feated themfelves there. Again, in the laft 
Article, it is “ farther agreed, that whereas fev- 
“ eral of the Adventurers may be unacquainted 
“with proper Places whereon to locate the 
“ Prizes they have been intituled to, feveral 
“Trafts of the beft vacant Lands fhall be laid 
“ out and divided into Lotts for all Prizes not 
“ lefs than 200 Acres.” In confequence of 

this 


( 3 ° ) 

this, feveral Trails were laid out in the forks 
of Delaware , and divided into Lots, as above 
agreed. And tho’ the Lottery did not readily 
fill, and confequently was not drawn, yet fo 
many of the Tickets as were fold became 
Rights to the Land, by Virtue of which the 
Tradfcs laid out in the Forks were quickly taken 
up and fettled. 

Thefe tranfadtions provoked the Indians , who 
feeing themfelves like to be deprived of their 
Lands without any Confideration, complained 
loudly, and not only complained but began to 
threaten. The Proprietor had two or three 
Meetings with them, the Minutes of which 
were never publifhed. But finding his Endea¬ 
vours of no Avail to flop their Clamours, he 
had Recourfe to another Method, refolving to 
complain of them to the Deputies of the Five 
Nations, who were expected down to compleat 
the Bufinefs of a Treaty which fome of their 
Chiefs held with this Government in the Year 
1732. In 1736 the Deputies of the Five Na¬ 
tions arrived. That a Complaint was at this 
Time exhibited againft the Delawares we are 
informed in the Treaty 1742; but in what 
Terms it was conceived, or what Notice the 
Deputies took of it, we are at a Lofs to fay, as 
no Minutes are publifhed of that Affair. In¬ 
deed the Minutes publifhed of the Treaty 1736 
are fo imperfedt, that they only ferve to fhew 
that a great deal was tranfadled, and much was 
faid, of which little or no notice was taken, and 
over which a veil feems to be caft. We are juft 
told that molt Part of a Week had been fpent 
in treating with the Proprietor about the Pur- 
chafe of Lands, and that they had figned Re- 
leafes to him for all the Lands lying between 
the Mouth of Sujquehannah and Kettachtaninius 

{Kit t a tinny) 


( 3 1 ) 

( Kittatinny ) Hills. By the Deed itfelf it ap- x) ee d 0 f 
pears, that the Extent of the Land eaftward Releafefor 
was “as far as the Heads of the Branches or Indian 
£C Springs which run into the faid Sufquehan- P urchaie > 
<£ nah” and therefore did not interfere with the ^5^ 
Rights of the Delawares , who claimed the 
Lands lying upon the Waters that fall into 
Delaware. 

As Matters of Land were palled over almoft 
in Silence, fo likewife were the Indians Com¬ 
plaints regarding our Traders. No Notice is 
taken of them but in the Speech which Mr. 

Logan the Prefident afterwards made to them. 

Nor fhould we have known they complained 
had he not mentioned it. “You havedefiredus, 
fays he, to recall all our Traders from the Ohio 
or Allegheny , and the Branches of Sufquehannah , 
but we know not what you mean by our recall¬ 
ing our Traders ; your are fenfible the Indians 
cannot live without being fupplied with our 
Goods ; they mud: have Powder and Lead to 
hunt, and Cloaths to keep them warm, and if 
our People do not carry them, others will from 
Virginia , Maryland , Jerfeys , and other Places, 
and we are fure you do not defire that Indians 
fhould trade with thofe People rather than with 
ours. The Traders of all Nations find the 
Indians are fo univerfally fond of Rum that 
they will not deal without. We have made 
many Laws againft carrying it; we have or¬ 
dered the Indians to have the Cags of all that 
is brought amongft them, but the Woods have 
not Streets like Philadelphia , the Paths in them 
are endlefs that they cannot be ftopt, fo that 
it will be carried from one Country to an¬ 
other.” “ If, replied the Indians , the Woods 
are dark, and it is impoffible to prevent Rum 
being carried to Allegheny , you had better hin- 


( 5 2 ) 

der any Perfons going thither at all, and con¬ 
fine your Traders to the River Sufquehannak , 
and its Branches; for as feveral Indian War¬ 
riors pafs by Allegheny , where fo much Rum 
is constantly to be had, we are apprehenfive 
fome Mifchief may happen, and this Consid¬ 
eration often troubles us.” In anfwer to this 
the Indians were told, that the Traders could 
not be prevented from going where they might 
befl difpofe of their Goods; that the moft pro¬ 
per Meafures in our Power Should be taken to 
hinder their carrying Rum in such Quantities, 
and it was hoped the Indians would give Stricfh 
Charge to the Warriors to be cautious and 
prudent that all Kind of Mifchief might be 
prevented. 

It has been remarked above, that the Lands 
granted by the Deputies of the Five Nations 
lay only on the Waters that run into Sufque- 
hannah. This was not Sufficient to give any 
Colour of Right for fettling the Lands in the 
Forks of Delaware ; wherefore, to palliate this, 
fome of the Indians , who remained in Town, 
after the kind Treatment they had met with, 
and the large prefents they had received, were 
induced, eleven Days after the publick Treaty 
was ended, and fourteen Days after the Date 
of the firSt Deed, to Sign a Piece of Writing, 
declaring, That “ their Intention and Mean¬ 
ing, by the former Deed, was to releafe all 
“ their Right, Claim and PretenSions to all the 
“ Lands lying within the Bounds and Limits 
<c of the Government of Penfylvania, beginning 
“ eaStward on the River Delaware , as far north- 
“ ward as the faid Ridge of endlefs Mountains 
cc as they crofs the Country of Penfylvania from 
“the EaStward to the Weft.” 

With refped: to this Writing, it is to be ob- 

ferved, 


( 33 ) 

ferved, that, as the Five Nations claimed no 
Right to the Lands on Delaware, they could 
by the above Inftrument, convey none. They 
only claimed the Lands on Sufquehannah , for 
which Reafon they fay in the above Treaty, 
£c That it Civility at Coneftogo fhould attempt to 
tc make a Sale ot any Lands to us, or any of our 
cc Neighbours, they muft let us know that he 
cc hath no Power to do fo, and that, if he does 
<£ any Thing of the Kind, they the Indians will 
<c utterly difown him.” But nothing like this 
is faid of the Delawares , tho’ it was well known 
to the Five Nations that the Delawares under¬ 
took to fell Lands to the Englijh , and had but 
a fhort time before fold the Tulpyhockin Lands. 
But, admitting the Five Nations had a Right, 
yet can it be fuppofed they would releafe that 
Right without a Confideration ? The Extent 
of Land, taken in by the laft Inftrument of 
Writing, is evidently double that defcribed in 
the firft Deed, yet for this farther Grant there 
is no Conftderation paid. 

Indeed the Proprietor himfelf did not feem 
to think he had a Right to thefe Lands with¬ 
out a Releafe from the Delawares. He had, 
therefore, in 1737, a Meeting with Monoky- 
kickan , Lappawinzoe , Tifhekunk and Nutimus , 
Chiefs of the Delaware Indians , at which he 
prevailed with them to fign a Releafe, by 
Means of which he thought he might gain what 
he wanted. We have no Minutes of that Con¬ 
ference or Treaty publifhed; but, in the Pre¬ 
amble of the Releafe then granted, it is faid, 
“ That Pijhekunk and Nutimus had about three 
Years before, begun a Treaty at Durham with 
John and Thomas Penn ; that from thence an¬ 
other Meeting was appointed to be at Penjhury 
the next Spring, to which they repaired with 


( 34 ) 

Lappawinzoe and feveral others of the Delaware 
Indians', that at this Meeting, feveral Deeds 
were fhewed to them for feveral Trails of Land 
which their Forefathers had more than fifty 
Years ago fold to JVilliam Penn ; and, in par¬ 
ticular, one Deed from Maykeerikki/ho, Sayhoppey 
and Taughhaughfey , the Chiefs or Kings of the 
northern Indians on Delaware , who for a cer¬ 
tain Quantity of Goods, had granted to Wil¬ 
liam Penn a Trad: of Land, beginning on a 
Line drawn from a certain Spruce Tree on the 
River Delaware by a Weft North-Weft Courfe 
to Nefhameny Creek, from thence back into the 
Woods as far as a Man could go in a Day and 
a half, and bounded on the Weft by Nefhameny, 
or the moft wefterly branch thereof, fo far as 
the faid Branch doth extend, and from thence 
by a Line to the utmoft 

Extent of the Day and half’s Walk, and from 
thence to the aforefaid 

River Delaware , and fo down the Courfes of the 
River to the firft mentioned Spruce Tree; and 
that this appeared to be true by William Biles 
and Jofeph Wood , who, upon their Affirmation, 
did declare, That they well remember the 
Treaty held by the Agents of William Penn and 
thofe Indians*', that fome of the old Men be¬ 
ing then abfent they requefted of Meffrs. John 
and Thomas Penn more time to confult with 
their People concerning the fame, which Re- 
queft being granted, they, after more than two 
Years fince the Treaty at Penfhury, were now 
come to Philadelphia , with their Chief Monoky- 

* Query, Does the remembering that there was a Treaty 
prove the Execution of a Deed at that Treaty ? Joseph 
Wood's Name is fet as an Evidence in that Paper produced 
as a Copy of the Deed of 1686, why then did he not prove 
there was fuch a Sale made or Deed given ? 

hickan , 


( 35 ) 

hickan , and feveral other old Men, and upon a 
former Treaty held upon the fame Subject, ac¬ 
knowledge themfelves fatisfied that the above 
defcribed Trad: was granted by the Perfons 
above mentioned, for which Reafon they the 
laid Mon oky hickan , Lappawinzoe , Tijhekunk and 
Nutimus , agree to releafe to the Proprietors all 
Right to that Trad:, and dehre that it may be 
walked, travelled or gone over by Perfons ap¬ 
pointed for that Purpofe. 

It will, no doubt, appear flrange, that no 
Notice is taken of the Deed of 1718, and that 
SaJJoonan the Delaware King, with whom the 
Treaty of 1728 was held, tho’ Hill alive, was 
not prefent at any of thefe Meetings. But the 
Reafon was plain : The Deed of 1718 fixed the 
Boundaries fo certain that no Advantage could 
be taken of it; and had Sajfoonan been there, 
he might have obftrudted their Meafures. For, 
had he doubted there being a Deed, he might 
have objecded, that the Evidence of Perfons 
declaring that they remembered a Treaty’s be¬ 
ing held (for that is all that William Biles and 
Jofeph Wood fay) did not prove that a Deed 
was granted ; and he might have called upon 
them to prove it regularly by the Evidence of 
thofe who were witnelfes to the Execution of it: 
Or, had he admitted the Deed, he might have 
infilled that it was fully conlidered at the Treaty 
in 1718, and that the Tradt therein defcribed 
had already been walked out, and was included 
in the Deed then granted. And how thefe Ob¬ 
jections would have been anfwered is hard to 
fay. He would, no doubt, have put them in 
Mind, that their late Purchafe of the Lands 
on Dulpyhockin was a further Confirmation on 
their Part of the Boundaries agreed on in the 
Deed 1718; becaufe thereby the Proprietors 


( 3 6 ) 

admitted that the Oley Hills, which are a Con¬ 
tinuation of the Lechay Hills, was the norther- 
mofl Extent of any Claim the Proprietors 
could make under any former Indian Pur- 
chafes. 

It was therefore neceffary, in order that 
Things might be carried on quietly, that the 
Deed of 1718 fhould be palled over in Silence, 
and that Sajfoonan fhould not be prefent, nor 
any of thofe who figned that Deed. If it be 
afked what Advantage could be gained by get¬ 
ting the Deed of 1686 confirmed? we fhall 
eafily fee by an Account of the Walk, and of the 
Advantage taken of the Blanks in the Deed 
of Releafe. The Account of the Walk fhall 
be given in the Words of the Perfons who 
were Eye-Witneffes, as written and figned by 
them. 

“The Relation which Thomas Furnifs , Sad- 
“ ler, gives concerning the Day and half’s Walk 
“ made between the Proprietors of Penfylvania 
“and the Delaware Indians , by James Teates 
“and Edward Marjhall .” 

“ At the Time of the Walk I was a Dweller 
“ at Newton, and a near Neighbour to Jaynes 
“ 1 eates. My Situation gave James Teates an 
“ eafy Opportunity of acquainting me with the 
“ Time of fetting out, as it did me of hearing 
“ the different Sentiments of the Neighbour- 
“ hood concerning the Walk, fome alledging 
“ it was to be made by the River, others that 
“ it was to be gone upon a ftrait Line from 
“fomewhere in Wrights-Town , oppofite to a 
“ Spruce Tree upon the River’s Bank, faid to 
“ be a Boundary to a former Purchafe. When 
“ the Walkers and the Company ftarted I was 
“ a little behind, but was informed they pro- 

“ ceeded 


( 37 ) 

‘ ceeded from a Chefnut Tree near the Turn- 
4 ing out of the Road from Durham Road to 
c John Chapman s, and, being on Horfe-back, 
c overtook them before they reach’d Bucking¬ 
ham, and kept Company for fome Diftance 
‘ beyond the blue Mountains, tho’ not quite 
£ to the End of the Journey. Two Indians 
c attended, whom I confidered as Deputies 
‘appointed by the Delaware Nation, to fee 
‘the Walk honeftly performed; one of them 
‘ repeatedly expreffed his Di Tatis faction there- 
‘ with. The firfl Day of the Walk, before we 
‘ reached Durham Creek, where we dined in 
‘ the Meadows of one IVilJon an Indian Trader, 
‘the Indian faid the Walk was to have been 
‘ made up the River, and complaining of the 
‘ Unfitnefs of his Shoepacks for Travelling, 

‘ faid he expedled Thomas Penn would have 
‘ made him a Prefent of fome Shoes. After 
‘ this fome of us that had Horfes walked and 
‘ let the Indians ride by Turns, yet in the Af¬ 
ternoon of the fame Day, and fome Hours 
‘ before Sun-fet, the Indians left us, having 
‘ often called to Marfhall that Afternoon and 
‘ forbid him to run. At parting they appeared 
‘ diffatisfied, and faid they would go no further 
‘with us; for, as they faw the Walkers would 
‘ pafs all the good Land, they did not care how 
‘ far or where we went to. It was faid we tra¬ 
velled twelve Hours the firft Day, and, it 
‘ being in the latter end of September , or Begin- 
‘ ning of October, to compleat the Time, were 
‘obliged to walk in the Twilight. Timothy 
‘ Smith , then Sheriff of Bucks , held his Watch 
‘in his Hand for fome Minutes before we 
‘ ffopt, and the Walkers having a piece of 
‘ rifing Ground to afcend, he called out to 
‘them, telling the Minutes behind, and bid 

“ them 


( 3^ ) 

££ them pull up, which they did fo brifkly, that, 
££ immediately upon his faying the Time was 
££ out, Marjhall clafped his Arms about a Sap- 
<c lin to fupport himfelf, and thereupon the 
C£ Sheriff alking him what was the Matter, he 
££ faid he was almoft gone, and that, if he had 
££ proceeded a few Poles further, he muff have 
££ fallen. We lodged in the Woods that Night, 
££ and heard the Shouting of the Indians at a 
££ Cantico, which they were faid to hold that 
££ Evening in a Town hard by. Next Morn- 
££ ing the Indians were fent to, to know if they 
££ would accompany us any further, but they 
££ declined it, altho’ I believe fome of them 
££ came to us before we darted, and drank a 
££ Dram in the Company, and then draggled 
££ off about their Hunting or fome other 
£C Amufement. In our Return we came thro’ 
££ this Indian Town or Plantation ‘Timothy Smith 
££ and myfelf riding forty Yards more or lefs 
££ before the Company, and as we approached 
££ within about 150 Paces of the Town, 
££ the Woods being open, we law an Indian 
££ take a Gun in his Hand, and advancing 
££ towards us fome Didance placed himfelf 
££ behind a Log that lay by our Way. Timothy 
££ obferving his Motions and being fomewhat 
££ furprifed, as I apprehended, looked at me, 
<£ and alked what I thought that Indian meant. 
££ I faid, I hoped no Harm, and that I thought 
££ it bed to keep on, which the Indian feeing, 
££ arofe and walked before us to the Settlement. 
££ I think Timothy Smith was furprifed, as I well 
££ remember I was, thro’ a Confcioufnefs that 
££ the Indians were diffatisfied with the Walk, a 
££ 1 hing the whole Company feemed to be fen- 
lible of, and upon the Way, in our Return 
£ * home, frequently expreffed themfelves to that 

££ Pur- 


( 39 ) 

“ Purpofe. And indeed the Unfairnefs pracdifed 
{t in the Walk, both in regard to the Way 
<c where, and the Manner how, it was perform- 
“ ed, and the Didatisfadlion of the Indians con- 
“ cerning it, were the common Subjects of 
tc Converlation in our Neighbourhood for fome 
“ confiderable Time after it was done. When 
£C this Walk was performed I was a young Man 
“in the Prime of Life; the Novelty of the 
I hing inclined me to be a Spectator, and as 
“ I had been brought up mod of my Time in 
“ Burlington , the whole Tranfacdion to me was a 
“ Series of Occurrences almod entirely new, 
“ and which therefore, I apprehend, made the 
“ more drong and lading ImprefHons on my 
“ Memory. 

“Thomas Furnifs .” 

Jofeph Knowles’j Account of the Jaid IFalk is as 

follows ; 

“ June 30th, 1757. I Jofeph Knowles , living 
“with Timothy Smith at the Time of the Day 
“and half’s Walk with the Indians , ( Timothy 
“ Smith then Sheriff for Buck's County) do fay, 
“ that I went fome Time before to carry the 
“ Chain, and help to clear a Road, as directed 
“ by my Uncle Timothy Smith. When the Walk 
“ was performed I was then prefent, and carried 
“ Provifions, Liquors and Bedding. About 
“ Sun-ridng we fet out from John Chapman s 
“ Corner at IVrights-Town , and travelled until 
“ we came to the Forks of Delaware , as near as 
“ I can remember was about one of the Clock 
“ the fame Day. The Indians then began to 
“look fullen, and murmured that the Men 
“ walked fo fad, and feveral Times that After- 
“ noon called out, and faid to them, You run; 

“ that’s 


( 40 ) 

“that’s not fair, you was to walk. The Men 
“appointed to walk paid no Regard to the 
“ Indians , but were urged by 'Timothy Smithy and 
“ the reft of the Proprietor’s Party, to proceed 
“until the Sun was down. We were near the 
“Indian Town in the Forks: The Indians de- 
“ nied us going to the Town on Excufe of a 
“ Cantico. We lodged in the Woods that 
“ Night. Next Morning, being dull rainy 
“Weather, we fet out by the Watches, and 
“ two of the three Indians, that walked the Day 
“ before, came and travelled with us about two 
“or three Miles, and then left us, being very 
“ much difl'atisfied, and we proceeded by the 
“ Watches until Noon. The above I am willing 
“to qualify* to any Time when defired. Wit- 
“ nefs my Hand the Day and Year above faid. 

“ JoJ. Knowles .” 

Having, by Means of the above Walk, gone 
about 30 Miles beyond the Lechay Hills, which 
were fo folemnly agreed upon in 1718 and 1728, 
to be the Boundaries, it now remained to draw 
the Line from the End of the Walk to the Ri¬ 
ver Delaware . We have feen above there was 
a Blank left for the Courfe of this Line: Taking 
the Advantage, therefore, of this Blank, inftead 
of running by the neareft Courfe to the River, 
or by an Eaft South-Eaft Courfe, which would 
have been parallel to the Line from which they 
fet out, they ran by a North-Eaft Courfe for 
above an hundred Miles acrofs the Country to 
near the Creek Lechawachjein , and took in the 
beft of the Land in the Forks, all the Mini- 
finks , &c. Thus a Pretence was gained for 
claiming the Land in the Forks without pay¬ 
ing any Thing for it. But the Accomplifhment 

* i.e. Take an Oath or Affirmation. 


of 


( 4i ) 

of this Deftgn loft us the Friendfhip of the 
Indians , and laid the Foundation of our prefent 
Troubles, and will, it is to be feared, in the 
End coft the Proprietaries very dear. But had 
there been nothing elfe to object to this Deed, 
what fhews indifputably, that an undue Advan¬ 
tage was taken, is, that under Colour of a Re- 
leafe given by the Chiefs of the Delawares , the 
Lands belonging to the Minifink Indians were 
taken in, tho’ thefe latter Indians were, as we 
have feen above, declared, both by the Conefto- 
goes and Delawares , to be a Nation independant 
of them, and whole Lands they confequently 
could not convey away: And the depriving the 
Miniftnk Indians thus of their Lands is, no 
doubt, the Reafon that they have of late been 
our moft bitter Enemies, and are at prefent 
inclined to Peace and Friendfhip the leaft of 
any of the northern Tribes. 

In 1742 the Deputies of the Six Nations 
made a Vifit to this Government. In the Min¬ 
utes that are publifhed of that Treaty, it is faid, 
that the Defign of their Coming was to receive 
from the Proprietor a large Quantity of Goods 
for the Lands on the weft Side of Susquehannah , 
they having at their laft Treaty in 1736 only 
received Goods for the Lands on the eaftern 
Side of that River: But it appears from Go¬ 
vernor Lhomas s Meftage to the Aftembly, with 
the Minutes of the Treaty, as well as from the 
Treaty itfelf, that there was another Caufe for 
prefting them to come down at this Time. The 
Governor exprefly fays, “That their coming Votes of 
“down was not only neceftary for the prefent A y^' 

“ Peace of the Province in Regard to Jome Indians 0 * 
“ who had threatened to maintain by Force their 4 8 i, & c . 

“ Pojfefion of Lands , which had been long ago 
“ purchafed of them, and fince conveyed by 
f “ the 


Treaty 
at Phila¬ 
delphia, 

J 74 2 * 


( 42 ) 

<£ the Proprietaries to fome of our own Inhabi- 
<c tants, but for its future Security in cafe of a 
cc Rupture with the French .” 

The Truth of the Matter was this. The 
Minifink and Fork Indians faw themfelves un- 
juftly difpoSTeffed of their Lands; Nutimus and 
others, who figned the Releafe 1737, faw them¬ 
felves over-reached, they were not therefore 
willing to quit the Lands, nor give quiet Po- 
STeffion, to the People who came thick to take 
up Lands and fettle in the Forks. They had 
complained of the Walk, as we have feen, but 
no Regard was paid to their Complaints. They 
now proceeded to other Meafures. They got 
Letters wrote to the Governor and Mr. Lang- 
borne a Magistrate of Bucks , in which they 
treated the Proprietors with a great deal of 
Freedom, remonStrated againft the Injuftice 
that was done them, and declared their Refo- 
lution of maintaining the PoSTeffion of their 
Lands by Force of Arms. This alarmed the 
Proprietor, who thereupon, in 1741, fent Shi- 
calamy (a Six Nation Indian , who refided at 
Shamokin ) to the Six Nations, to prefs them to 
come down. It was well known that the Six 
Nations had a great Authority over the Dela¬ 
wares ; it was therefore thought Sufficient to 
engage them to interpofe their Authority, and 
force the Delawares to quit the Forks. Accord¬ 
ingly when the Deputies of the Six Nations 
came down in 1742, the Governor told them, 
that “The laSt Time the Chiefs of the Six 
Nations were here they were informed, that 
their Coufins, a Branch of the Delawares , gave 
this Province fome Disturbance about the 
Lands the Proprietors purchafed from them, 
and for which their Anceftors had received a 
valuable Consideration above fifty five Years 

a g°> 


( 43 ) 

ag°, as appears by a Deed now lying on the 
Table—That Tome Time after this, Conrad 
JVeifer delivered to their Brother Thomas Penn 
their Letter, wherein they requeSt of him and 
James Logan , that they would not buy Land, 
—That this had been fhewn to the Dela¬ 
wares , and interpreted ; notwithstanding which 
they had continued their former Disturbances, 
and had the Infolence to write Letters to fome 
of the Magistrates of this Government, where¬ 
in they had abufed the worthy Proprietaries, 
and treated them with the utmoSt Rudenefs 
and ill Manners; that being loth, out of Re¬ 
gard to the Six Nations, to puniSh the Dela¬ 
wares as they deferved, he had Sent two Meffen- 
gers to inform them, the Six Nation Deputies 
were expected here, and Should be acquainted 
with their Behaviour; that, as the Six Nations, 
on all Occafions, apply to this Government to 
remove all white People that are fettled on 
Lands before they are purchafed from them, 
and as the Government ufe their Endeavours 
to turn Such People off, fo now he experts from 
them that they will caufe thefe Indians to re¬ 
move from the Lands in the Forks of Dela¬ 
ware^ and not give any farther Disturbance to 
the Perfons who are now in Poffeffion ; and 
this he inforced after the Indian CuStom, by 
laying down a String of Wampum.” 

Then were read the feveral Conveyances, the 
Paragraph of the Letters wrote by the Chiefs 
of the Six Nations, relating to the Delawares , 
the Letters of the Fork Indians to the Governor 
and Mr. Langhorne , and a Draught of the Land. 

When this Complaint was made, there were 
prefent Sajfoonan the Chief, with whom the 
Treaty of 1728 was held, and Nutimus , one of 
thofe who had Signed the Releafe in 1737; but 

it 


( 44 ) 

it does not appear that they were admitted to 
make any Defence, or to fay any Thing in 
their own Vindication. Had there been any 
Defign to do Juftice to the Delawares , or to 
preferve the Friendfhip of thofe who, from the 
earlieft Settlement of the Province, had been 
kind Neighbours and Friends, they would no 
Doubt have been admitted to fpeak for them- 
felves, and to offer what Reafons they had for 
refufing to quit the Lands. But then the 
doing of this might have difcovered the Ini¬ 
quity of the Walk, and other unfair Advan¬ 
tages taken, and might have brought back the 
Boundaries to the Lechay Hills, the Place 
agreed upon in the Deed of 1718, and the 
Treaty of 1728, and fo well known by the 
Proprietaries Commiffioners, as appears from 
Mr. Logan s Letter already quoted, and from 
the Purchafe which the fame Gentleman and 
Company made from the Indians about the 
Year 1729 of a Tradt of Land about Durham. 

In this cafe it might then have coft the Pro¬ 
prietaries three or four hundred Pounds more 
to purchafe the Lands in the Forks, if the 
Indians there had been willing to difpofe of 
them; or, had the Indians refufed that, it might 
have been difficult to remove the People let- 
tied there, and to reimburfe them the Money 
they had paid the Proprietors for the Lands 
they had there taken up: Befides, fome private 
Perfons, as we have feen above, were making 
very large Eftates by getting the good Lands 
in the Forks furveyed to them by Virtue of old 
Rights which they had purchafed. Now, as it 
does not always happen that the Peace and 
Tranquility of the Public is preferred to pri¬ 
vate Intereft, thefe might be unwilling to give 
up their Rights, unlefs the Proprietaries would 

make 


( 45 ) 

make them a fuitable Compenfation. For 
thefe, therefore, and other Reafons, it was 
judged beft to call in the A (Tift a nee of the Six 
Nations, to put them in Mind, as had been 
done before, of the Ufe they might make of 
having conquered the Delawares , and of the 
Right they thereby acquired to their Lands ; 
and laftly, by Means of a confiderable Prefent, 
which the Province might be induced to make 
them, to engage them to “caufe the Indians to 
“ remove from the Lands in the Forks of Dela- 
“ ware , and not to give any further Disturbance 
“ to the Perfons who were then in Pofiefiion.” 

Accordingly, the fecond Day after receiving 
a Prefent from the Province, to the Value of 
three hundred Pounds, and what more from 
the Proprietor is uncertain, Canajjatego , in the 
Name of the Deputies, told the Governor, 
“ That they faw the Delawares had been an 
unruly People, and were altogether in the 
Wrong; that they had concluded to remove 
them, and oblige them to go over the River 
Delaware , and quit all Claim to any Lands on 
this Side for the future, fince they have re¬ 
ceived Pay for them, and it is gone thro’ their 
Guts long ago:” Then addreffing the Dela¬ 
wares^ he faid, “They deferved to be taken by 
the Hair of the Head and fhaked feverely, till 
they recovered their Senfes and became fober— 
That he had feen with his Eyes a Deed figned 
by nine of their Ancestors above fifty Years 
ago for this very Land, and a Releafe figned 
not many Years fince by fome of themfelves 
and Chiefs yet living, to the Number of fifteen 
and upwards.” “ But how came you (fays he, 
“continuing his Speech to the Delawares) to 
“take upon you to fell Lands at all? We 
“conquered you; we made Women of you: 

“You 



( 46 ) 

‘ You know you are Women, and can no more 
‘fell Land than Women; nor is it fit you 
c fhould have the Power of felling Lands, fince 
c you would abufe it. This Land that you 
£ claim is gone thro’ your Guts; you have 
‘ been furnifhed with Cloaths, Meat and Drink, 
‘ by the Goods paid you for it, and now you 
c want it again like Children as you are. But 
‘ what makes you fell Lands in the Dark ? Did 
‘ you ever tell us that you had fold this Land? 
c bid we ever receive any Part, even the Value 
c of a Pipefhank, from you for it? You have 
‘told us a blind Story, that you fent a Mef- 
‘ fenger to us, to inform us of the Sale, but 
£ he never came amongft us, nor we ever heard 
‘any thing about it. This is adting in the 
c Dark, and very different from the Conduct 
c our Six Nations obferve in the Sales of Land. 
‘ On fuch Occasions they give publick Notice, 
c and invite all the Indians of their united Na- 
c tions, and give them all a Share of the Prefent 
‘ they receive for their Lands. This is the 
‘ Behaviour of the wife united Nations. But 
£ we find you are none of our Blood; you abt 
£ a difhoneft Part not only in this but in other 
£ Matters ; your Ears are ever open to fiander- 
c ous Reports about your Brethren—For all 
£ thefe Reafons we charge you to remove in- 
£ ftantly ; we don’t give you the Liberty to 
‘think about it. You are Women. Take 
‘ the Advice of a wife Man, and remove im¬ 
mediately. You may return to the other 
‘ Side of Delaware where you came from; but 
‘ we do not know whether, confidering how you 
‘ have demeaned yourfelves, you will be per- 
‘ mitted to live there, or whether you have 
‘ not fwallowed that Land down your Throats 
‘as well as the Land on this Side. We there- 

“ fore 


( 47 ) 

“ fore afftgn you two Places to go, either to 
C£ JVyomen or Shamokin. You may go to either 
cc ol thefe Places, and then we fhall have you 
“ more under our Eye, and fhall fee how you 
<£ behave. Don’t deliberate, but remove away, 

and take this Belt of Wampum.” After this 
he forbade them ever to intermeddle in Land 
Affairs, or ever hereafter to prefume to fell any 
Land, and then commanded them, as he had 
fomething to tranfacd with the Englijh , imme¬ 
diately to depart the Council.- 

This peremptory Command the Delawares 
did not dare to dilobey. They therefore im¬ 
mediately left the Council, and foon after re¬ 
moved from the Forks; fome to Shamokin and 
IVyomen , and fome to the Ohio. But tho’ they 
did not then dare to difpute the Order, yet, 
when the prefent Troubles began, and they 
found the French ready to fupport them, they 
fhewed this Province, as well as the Six Nations, 
how they refented the Treatment they met with 
in 1742. They took a fevere Revenge on the 
Province, by laying Wafte their Frontiers, and 
paid fo little Regard to a menacing Meffage 
which the Six Nations fent them, that they in 
their Turn threatened to turn their Arms 
againft them, and, at laft, forced them to ac¬ 
knowledge they were Men, that is, a free in¬ 
dependent Nation.— 

We fee above, that great Strefs is laid on a 
Deed, faid to be granted above fifty five Years 
ago. This is faid to be the Deed of 1686. 
Yet, tho’ it is mentioned here as lying on the 
Table; nay, tho’ the Indian Speaker fays, that 
he had feen it with his own Eyes, yet Fill it is 
doubted whether there really was fuch a Deed. 
It is certain there is none fuch now in being, 
nor recorded: For, at the Treaty at Eajlon , 

! 757 > 




( 48 ) 

I 757 > w hen the Indian King demanded that the 
Deeds might be produced, by which the Pro¬ 
prietors held the Lands, and the Governor and 
his Council determined to follow the Courfe 
the Proprietor had chalked out, and to juftify 
their Claims by the Deed of 1686, and the 
Releafe of 1737, they had no Deed of 1686 to 
produce: But, inftead thereof, produced a 
Writing, faid to be a Copy of that Deed, not 
attefted, nor even figned by any one as a true 
Copy. From whence fome have been ready 
to conclude, that the Charge brought by the 
Indian Chief, at the Eafton Treaty in 1756, is 
not without Grounds; where he fays, that fome 
Lands were taken from him by Fraud and 
Forgery; and afterwards, when called upon to 
explain what he means by thefe Terms, fays, 
“ When one Man had formerly Liberty to 
“ purchafe Lands, and he took a Deed from 
“the Indians for it, and then dies; after his 
“ Death the Children forge a Deed like the 
“true one, with the fame Indians Names to it, 
“and thereby take Lands from the Indians 
“which they never fold.—This is Fraud.” It 
is farther afked, if there was fuch a Deed, why 
was it not recorded as well as the Releafe 1737 
anfwering thereto ? 

It may not be amifs to obferve here the dif¬ 
ferent Manner in which the Englijh and French 
treat the Indians . T he Englijh , in order to get 
their Lands, drive them as far from them as 
poffible, nor feem to care what becomes of 
them, provided they can get them removed out 
of the Way of their prefent Settlements; 
whereas the French , confidering that they can 
never want Land in America , who enjoy the 
Friendfhip of the Indians , ufe all the Means 
in their Power to draw as many into their Al¬ 
liance 


( 49 ) 

liance as poftible; and, to fecure their Affect¬ 
ions, invite as many as can to come and live 
near them, and to make their Towns as near 
the French Settlements as they can. By this 
Means they have drawn off a great Number of 
the Mohocks , and other Six Nation Tribes, and 
having fettled them in Towns along the Banks 
of the River St. Lawrence , have fo fecured them 
to their Intereft, that, even of thefe, they can 
command above fix or feven Hundred fighting 
Men, which is more than Colonel Johnfon has, 
with all his Intereft, been able to raife in all 
the northern Diftricft. 

But to return: In this Treaty of 1742 the 
Deputies of the Six Nations themfelves com¬ 
plain, that they are not well ufed with RespeCl 
to the Land ftill unfold by them. Cf Your Peo- 
“ple, fay they to the Governor, daily fettle on 
“ thefe Lands, and fpoil our Hunting. We 
U muft inftft on your removing them, as you 
£C know they have no Right to fettle to the 
“ Northward of the Kittochtinny Hills. In par- 
“ ticular we renew our Complaints againft fome 
“ People whaare fettled at Juniata , a Branch of 
“ Sufuehannah, and all along the Banks of that 
££ River as far as Mahaniay , and defire they may 
££ forthwith be made to go off the Land, for 
££ they do great Damage to our Coufins the 
£C Delawares .” They likewife laid Claim to 
fome Lands in Maryland and Virginia , which 
occaftoned the Treaty at Lancajler in 1744. 

With refpeCt to the People fettled at Juniata 
the Governor told the Indians , that “fome 
££ Magiftrates were fent exprefly to remove 
££ them, and he thought no Perfons would pre- 
£C fume to ftay after that.” Here they inter¬ 
rupt the Governor, and faid, ££ Thefe Perfons 
“who were fent do not do their Duty; fo far 
r. “ from 


La n caller 
Treaty, 

1 744 - 


( 5 ° ) 

“ from removing the People they made Sur- 
“ veys for themfelves, and they are in League 
“ with the Trefpaffors; we defire more effectual 
“ Methods may be ufed, and honefter Men 
“ employed.” Which the Governor promifed 
fhould be done. 

In confequence of the Claims which the 
Indians made to the Lands fouthward of this 
Province, Letters were wrote to the Governors 
of Maryland and Virginia , who fhewed a ready 
Difpofition to come to any reafonable Terms 
with the Six Nations on Account of thefe 
Lands, and defired for that End a Time and 
Place might be fixed for a Treaty with them. 
But before this could be effected an unfortunate 
Skirmifh happened in the back Parts of Virginia 
between fome of the Militia there and a Party 
of the Indian Warriors of the Six Nations. To 
mend this Breach the Governor of Penfylvania 
offered his Service, which was accepted by both 
Parties. Soon after Conrad JVeifer was difpatch- 
ed to Shamokin where he met the Deputies from 
Onondago , the grand Council of the Six Na¬ 
tions, who informed him that the Six Nations 
were well pleafed with the Mediation of the 
Governor of Penfylvania , and that they would, 
in purfuance of the Invitation fent to them by 
the Governor of Maryland , meet him next 
Year. After this, the Deputy addreffing him- 
felf to the Governor of Penfylvania , defired, 
in the Name of the Six Nations, that the 
People who were fettled on Juniata might be 
removed from thence. “We have, fays he, 
“given the River Juniata for a Hunting-Place 
“ to our Coufins the Delaware Indians , and 
“ our Brethren the Shawanefe , and we our- 
“ felves hunt there fometimes. We there- 
“ tore defire you will immediately by force 

“ remove 


( 5 1 ) 

££ remove all thofe that live on the laid River 
C£ Juniata .” 

Lancafter being agreed upon for the Place of 
Meeting the Deputies from the Six Nations 
and Commi Hi oners from Virginia and Mary¬ 
land, in June 1744, met at the Place appointed. 
The Governor of Penfylvania was alfo prefent. 

In the Opening of the Treaty the Indians 
complain that they are liable to many Incon- 
veniencies fince the Englijh came among them, 
and particularly from Pen and Ink Work, of 
which they gave the following I nflance. “ When, 
faid “they, our Brother Onas (/. e. Governor 
“Venn) a great While ago came to Albany to 
“ buy the Sujquebannah Lands of us, our Bro- 
<c ther the Governor of New-Tork , who, as we 
“ fuppofe, had not a good Underftanding with 
<c our Brother Onas , advifed us not to fell him 
“any Land, for he would make an ill Ufe of 
“it; and, pretending to be our Friend, he ad- 
“ vifed us, in order to prevent Onas’ s, or any 
£C other Perfons, impofing on us, and that we 
££ might always have our Land when we wanted 
££ it, to put it into his Hands; and he told us 
££ he would keep it for our Ufe, and never open 
<c his Hands, but keep them clofe fhut, and 
££ not part with any of it, but at our Requeft. 
££ Accordingly we trufted him, and put our 
££ Lands into his Hands, and charged him to 
££ keep them fafe for our Ufe. But fometime 
££ after he went to England , and carried our 
££ Land with him, and there fold it to our 
“ Brother Onas for a large Sum of Money: 
“And when, at the Instance of our Brother 
££ Onas, we were minded to fell him fome Lands, 
££ he told us we had fold the Sujquebannah Lands 
“already to the Governor of New-Tork, and 
“ that he had bought them from him in England ; 

“tho/ 


( 5 2 ) 

C£ tho’, when he came to understand how the 
C£ Governor of New-Tork had deceived us, he 
££ very generoufly paid us for our Lands over 

cc " ” 

again. 

After this they proceed to fhew the Grounds 
of their Claim to fome Lands in Virginia and 
Maryland. With refped: to Maryland they ac¬ 
knowledge the Purchafes which the Marylanders 
had made of the Coneftogo Indians to be juft and 
valid, but alledge that the Lands on Potomack , 
which they claim, are not comprifed within thofe 
Deeds, and therefore remain to be purchafed; 
and, as they have conquered the Coneftogoes , they 
infill that the Purchafes be made of them. 
Canajfatego , the Indian Speaker, farther faid, 
££ That, as the three Governors of Virginia , 
££ Maryland and Penjylvania had divided the 
££ Lands among them, they could not, for this 
££ Reafon, tell how much each had got, nor 
££ were they concerned about it, fo that they 
££ were paid by all the Governors for the feveral 
££ Parts each poflefled, and this they left to 
££ their Honor and Juftice.” 

The Commiftioners of Maryland , in anfwer 
to this, fay, ££ That, tho’ they cannot admit 
their Right, yet they are fo refolved to live in 
brotherly Love and Affection with the Six Na¬ 
tions, that, if they will give a Releafe in Writing 
of all their Claims to any Lands in Maryland , 
they will make them a Compenfation to the 
Value of three Hundred Pounds Currency/’ 
To this the Deputies of the Six Nations agreed, 
and a Deed of Releafe was made out accord¬ 
ingly. The Lands in Virginia , which the Indians 
claimed, lay to the South of Potomack , and weft- 
ward of a high Ridge of Mountains that ex¬ 
tended along the Frontier-Settlements of Vir¬ 
ginia. The Commiftioners of Virginia , after 

difputing 


( 53 ) 

deputing the Rights and Claims of the Six 
Nations, offer them a Quantity of Goods to 
the Value of two Hundred Pounds Penjylvania 
Currency, and two Hundred Pounds in Gold, 
on Condition they immediately make a Deed 
recognizing the King’s Right to all the Lands 
that are, or fhall be, by his Majefty’s Appoint¬ 
ment, in the Colony of Virginia. The Indians 
agreed to this, only dehring that their Cafe 
might be reprefented to the King, in order to 
have a further Confideration when the Settle¬ 
ments encreafed much further back. To which 
the Commiffioners agreed; and, for a further 
Security that they would make the Reprefenta- 
tion to the King, they promifed to give the 
Deputies a Writing under their Hands and 
Seals to that Purpofe. Accordingly the Deed 
was figned and every Thing fettled to mutual 
Satisfaction. 

At this Treaty the Indian Deputies tell the 
Governor of Penfylvania , that the Conoy (called 
in former Treaties Ganaway) Indians had in¬ 
formed them, that they had fent him a Meffage 
fome Time ago, to advife him, that they were 
ill ufed by the white People in the Place where 
they had lived, and that they had come to a 
Resolution of removing to Shamokin , and re- 
quefted fome fmall Satisfaction for their Land; 
and, as they never had received any Anfwer 
from him, they defired the Six Nations to fpeak 
for them. They therefore recommended their 
Cafe to his Generofity. 

To this the Governor anfwered, That he 
well remembered the coming down of one of 
the Conoy Indians with a Paper, fetting forth, 
that the Conoys had come to a Refolution to 
leave the Land referved for them by the Pro¬ 
prietaries, but that he made no Complaint of 

ill 


( 54 ) 

ill Ufage from the white People. The Gover¬ 
nor farther faid, that he had not yet heard from 
the Proprietors on that Head, but from the 
Favour and Juftice they had always fhewn to 
the Indians , they may be affured the Proprietors 
will do every Thing that can be reafonably ex¬ 
pected from them in that Cafe. 

Some Time before this Treaty one John Arm- 
Jlrong , an Indian Trader, and two of his Men, 
had been murdered by a Delaware Indian , and 
his Goods carried off. There were three Indians 
prefent, but only one had committed the Mur¬ 
der. Upon this Shecalamy , and the Shamokin 
Indians , had two of the three apprehended and 
fent down to the Englijh ; but the Indians , who 
had them in Charge, finding one was innocent, 
gave him an Opportunity to efcape: The other 
was carried to Philadelphia and put in Prifon. 
The Governor, therefore, now informing the 
Six Nation Deputies of what had been done, 
defired them to ufe their Authority, that the 
two other Indians , who were prefent at the 
Murder, fhould be feized and delivered up to 
be tried with the Principal now in Cuflody, 
and he promifed, that if, upon Examination, 
they were found innocent, they fhould be fent 
home fafe. The Indians , in anfwer, told the 
Governor, they had heard of what was done, 
and in their Journey here had a Conference 
with the Delawares about it, and reproved 
them feverely for it: They promifed farther, 
upon their Return, to renew their Reproofs, 
and to charge the Delawares to fend down 
fome of their Chiefs with thefe two young 
Men (but not as Prifoners) to be examined 
by him, and faid, that, as they thought, upon 
Examination, he would not find them guilty, 
they relied on his Juftice, not to do them 

any 


( 55 ) 

any Harm, but to permit them to return in 
Safety. 

Accordingly fome of the Delaware Chiefs 
came down to Philadelphia in October follow¬ 
ing, and brought with them the two young 
Men, who, being examined and found inno¬ 
cent, were difmiffed. 

By the Meffage which the Governor fent to Votes of 
the Affembly immediately upon his Return 
from Lancafter , it appears, “that the Shawaneje up p. 
had been endeavouring to draw the Delawares 555. 
from Shamokin to Ohio , and that it was whif- 
pered among the Six Nations, that, fhould 
they be obliged to take Part in the War be¬ 
tween the Engli/h and French , they would have 
the Shawaneje , and perhaps the Delawares alfo, 
to oppofe them.” This fhews there were fome 
Heart-Burnings between the Delawares and 
Six Nations notwithstanding the outward Shew 
of Friendship, and that the former only wanted 
a favourable Opportunity to throw off the 
Yoke, as they have done fince, and to revenge 
the Infults that had been offered them at Phi¬ 
ladelphia but two Years before. 

There is one Paragraph in the Governor’s 
Meffage which deferves to be Stricdly attended 
to. “I cannot, fays he, but be apprehenSive 
“that the Indian Trade, as it is now carried 
“on, will involve us in fome fatal Ouarrel 
“with the Indians. Our Traders, in Defiance 
“ of the Law, carry fpirituous Liquors among 
“ them, and take the Advantage of their inor- 
“ dinate Appetite for it to cheat them of their 
“Skins and their Wampum, which is their 
“ Money, and often to debauch their Wives 
“into the Bargain. Is it to be wondered at 
“then, if, when they recover from their drun- 
“ ken Fit, they Should take fome fevere Re- 


( 5 6 ) 


Hopkin’s 
Memoirs 
relating 
to the 
Houfatun- 
nuk Indi¬ 
ans. P. 90, 
&c. 


“ venges. If I am rightly informed, the like 
“ Abufes of the Traders in New-England were 
“ the principal Caufes of th z Indian Wars there, 
“and at length obliged the Government to 
“ take the Trade into their own Hands. This 
“is a Matter that well deferves your Atten- 
“ tion, and perhaps will foon require your 
“ Imitation.” 

It would be too fhocking to defcribe the 
Condudt and Behaviour of the Traders, when 
among the Indians , and endlefs to enumerate 
the Abufes the Indians had received and borne 
from them for a Series of Years. Suffice it to 
fay, that feveral of the Tribes were at lafb weary 
of bearing. And as thefe Traders were the Per- 
fons who were, in fome Sort, the Reprefenta- 
tives of the Englifh among the Indians, and by 
whom they were to judge of our Manners and 
Religion, they conceived fuch invincible Pre¬ 
judices againft both, particularly againft our 
holy Religion, that when Mr. Sergeant , a Gen¬ 
tleman in New-England, took a Journey in 1741 
to the Shawaneje , and fome other Tribes, living 
on Sufquehannah , and offered to inftruct them 
in the Chriftian Religion, they rejedled his 
Offer with Difdain. They reproached Chrif- 
tianity. They told him the Traders would 
lie, cheat, and debauch their Women, and even 
their Wives, if their Hufbands were not at 
home. They faid farther, that the Senecas had 
given them their Country, but charged them 
withal never to receive Chriftianity from the 
Englifh. 

The Treaty of 1747, held at Philadelphia 
with the Ohio Indians , at which they complained 
of the Englifh for having engaged them in a 
War with the French , and then left them to 
fight it out themfelves; as well as the Lancafter 

Treaty 


( 57 ) 

Treaty of 1748, at which the Twightwees , a 
powerful Nation weftward of the Ohio, entered 
into an Alliance with the Englijh\ we fhall pafs 
over and proceed to that of 1749, held at Phi¬ 
ladelphia with fome Deputies from the Senecas. 
Thefe had been fent to meet fome other Chiefs 
from each of the Six Nations, who had been 
appointed by the grand Council at Onondago 
to go to Philadelphia on fome Affairs of im¬ 
portance. Coming at the Time appointed to 
the Place of Rendezvous, and having there, 
for fome Time, in vain waited the Arrival of 
the other Deputies, they agreed to proceed by 
themfelves to Philadelphia. “One of the mod 
“ confiderable Points (fays their Speaker to the 
“ Governor) which induced the Council to fend 
“ Deputies at this Time, was, that they had 
“ heard the white People had begun to fettle 
“ on their Side the blue Mountains, and we, 
“ the Deputies of the Senecas , flaying fo long 
“ at Wyomen , had an Opportunity of enquiring 
“into the Truth of this Information, and to 
“ our Surprize found the Story confirmed, with 
“ this Addition, that even this Spring, fince 
“the Governor’s Arrival, Numbers of Fami- 
“ lies were beginning to make Settlements. As 
“ our Boundaries are fo well known, and fo 
“ remarkably diftinguifhed by a Range of high 
“ Mountains, we could not fuppofe this could 
“ be done by Miftake, but that either it muft 
“ be done wickedly by bad People without the 
“ Knowledge of the Government, or that the 
“ new Governor has brought fome Inftru&ions 
“from the King or the Proprietaries relating 
“ to this Affair, whereby we are like to be much 
hurt. The Governor will be pleafed to tell 
us, whether he has brought any Orders from 
“ the King or the Proprietaries for thefe People 

“ to 




(C 


H 


( 5 : > ) 

“ to fettle on our Lands; and, if not, we ear- 
“neftly defire they may be made to remove 
cc inftantly with all their Effects to prevent the 
c ‘fad Confequences which will other wife enjue 

Thefe Deputies alfo renew the Demands of 
the Conoy Indians for fome Satisfaction on Ac¬ 
count of the Land they had left when they went 
to fettle on Juniata. We fee the Indians don’t 
eafily give up a Right; thefe Conoys had engaged 
the Deputies of the Six Nations to reprefent 
their Cafe to Governor Thomas , who told them 
he had not heard from the Proprietors on this 
Head, but that they might be allured the Pro¬ 
prietors would do every Thing that could 
reafonably be expeCted from them: Now they 
get the Senecas to renew their Demand to Gov¬ 
ernor Hamilton. 

In anfwer to the Speech of the Indian Chief, 
the Governor acknowledges, “That the Peo¬ 
ple’s fettling on Juniata was contrary to the 
Engagements of this Government to the In¬ 
dians \ that he had received no Orders from his 
Majefty or the Proprietaries in Favour of 
them; that they had no Countenance from the 
Government, and that no Endeavours fhould 
be wanting on his Part to bring the Offenders 
to Juftice, and to prevent all future Caufe of 
Complaint.” With refpeCt to the Conoys he 
lets them know, that he was informed by the 
Proprietary Officers, that this Land, for which 
the Conoys demand Satisfaction, was not referved 
out of the Grant of the Lands fold by the Six 
Nations; that their living there was only a 
Favour or Indulgence of the Proprietor; be- 
fides, he told the Deputies that the Six Nations 
had frequently defired the Proprietaries not to 
give Money to any tributary Nations for Land, 
and as thefe Conoys are fuch, they would have 

Reafon 


( 59 ) 

Reafon to find Fault with the Proprietaries, 
fiiould they pay any Thing, efpecially as they 
have already given to the Six Nations a valu¬ 
able Consideration. Thus, rather than part 
with a few Pounds, they would lofe the Affec¬ 
tions of an Indian Tribe. 

At the Departure of thefe Deputies the Go¬ 
vernor, considering that the Province had been 
put to fome Expence by them, told them, if 
they met the other Deputies, to inform them 
what they had done here, and perfuade them 
to return. Accordingly the Senecas , upon their 
Return meeting the other Deputies, informed 
them as the Governor defired. However they 
determined to proceed to Philadelphia , and 
obliged the Senecas to return with them. Upon 
hearing this the Governor Sent an Exprefs to 
Conrad Weijer , the Provincial Interpreter, de¬ 
firing him “to try all poSfible Methods to di- 
<c vert them from proceeding on their Journey.” 
Hereupon Conrad Weijer immediately fet out 
to meet them, and was furprized to fee above 
200 moStly men. He Stood at a Distance like C. Wei- 
a Stranger for above a Ouarter of an Hour, to ^ er ’ s 
Signify that he was not well pleafed; at laSt he * rotary ° 
was obliged to Shake Hands with fome of them. Peters, 
He then fat down with CanaJJatego , the Chief Aug. 6, 
Speaker, and afked him where he was going ! 749- 
with Such a Number of Indians. CanaJJatego 
told him, he could not be at a Lofs to know 
where they were going after receiving the Mef- 
fage he had fent him. Mr. Weijer replied, that 
when that MeSTage was fent he had not met the 
Seneca Chiefs, who having been at Philadelphia , 
and performed what was to be done, rendered 
his Journey thither needlefs. CanaJJategos 
Anfwer was, “That he had fince met the Seneca 
Chiefs, and had brought them back with him; 

that 


( 6o ) 

that all was not done that ought to have been 
done, and that as he had come To far with the 
Deputies of the Six united Nations, he could 
not return before he had been in Philadelphia. 
C. Weifer told him, he might have left the 
Shamokin and other Sufquehannah Indians behind. 
The Day following he had another Conference 
with Canajfatego and others, in which he told 
them, he thought it imprudent for them to go 
to Philadelphia with fuch a Number of People, 
who had no Bufinefs there but to get drunk; 
that, as their Number was fo great, they could 
not exped: to get Victuals enough; that, among 
white People, every Thing was fold, and the 
Money, wherewith Provihons were bought, 
was a free Gift of the Inhabitants; and that, 
as the Seneca Deputies had been down with a 
good Number of other Indians not long ago, 
and had coft a great deal of Money, he thought 
their going was needlefs, at lead that they mull 
not exped: any Prefents unlefs they had fome- 
thing elfe to do which he did not know; that 
they remembered very well when they were 
down formerly they were fent for; and when 
they received large Prefents it was for fome 
Land which the Proprietors then paid for; that 
their Cafe was otherwife now, and that they 
ought to know that the great Number of good 
for nothing People with them made their Cafe 
worfe.” 

By this Speech he fays he believed he had 
offended the Indians much. This is not to be 
wondered at; the Indians were very fenftble 
of the Service they had done to the Englijh 
during the late War with the French', that 
they had ferved them inftead of Forts and 
Guards again ft the Incurftons of the French 
and their Indians'. How muft it then difpleafe 

them 


( 6 . ) . 

them at the Clofe of the War to meet with 
fuch a Reception ! 

In confequence of this Speech the Indian 
Chiefs immediately held a Council, where they 
debated a confiderable Time what to do; fome 
propofed to go home again. However, at laft, 
notwithftanding all that C. IVeifer could fay to 
the contrary, it was agreed to proceed. Ac¬ 
cordingly the Deputies of the Six Nation, 
accompanied with fome Mohickans , Vutelas , 
Delawares and Nanticokes , in all to the Num¬ 
ber of 280, fet forward, and arrived in Phila¬ 
delphia about the 14th or 15th of Auguft 1749. 
On their Arrival the Governor paid them a 
Vifit, and on the 16th day of the Month being 
appointed for a public Conference, they met, 
and all having taken their Seats, Canajfatego 
the chief Speaker arofe, and addrefling himfelf 
to the Governor and Council, and all the Peo¬ 
ple of Penfylvania , put them in Mind of the 
Friendfhip that had long fubfifted between the 
Englijh and the Indians ; that by the Treaties 
a good Road was eftablifhed between us and 
them; that, by Reafon of the War, they had 
not for fome Time ufed that Road, but were 
now come to pay us a Vifit; that it was their 
Cuftom, after a long Time, to renew their 
Leagues, or, as they fay, to brighten the Chain 
of Friendfhip; that this was neceffary now, as 
they had fomething to communicate of a dis¬ 
agreeable Nature: After this he takes Notice, 
that the Indians were a Frontier-Country be¬ 
tween our Enemy and us, fo that they had been 
our Guard, and Things had been managed fo 
well as to keep the War from our Doors; that 
tho’ they had been expofed to many Calamities, 
and Blood had been fhed among them, yet they 
did not trouble us with any Account of their 

Hardfhips 


( 62 ) 

Hardfhips during all this War, and that no¬ 
thing that had happened had leffened their Af¬ 
fection for us; that having now Leifure they 
were come to pay a brotherly Vifit, and hoped 
their coming would be agreeable. Then ad- 
drefftng the Governor and Council only, he 
fays, “By Treaties all white People were to 
“have been hindered from fettling the Lands 
“ not purchafed of us, or if they Jfhould make 
“any Settlement, as they might at fuch a Dif- 
“ tance from you without your knowing of it, 
“you engaged to remove them, when difcover- 
“ ed. Notwithstanding your Engagements 
“ many People have fettled on the EaSt-fide 
“ of Sujquehannah , and tho’ you may have done 
“ your Endeavours to remove them, yet we fee 
“ thefe have been without EffeCt, and that white 
“ People are no more obedient to you than 
“ our young Indians are to us; and Since it may 
“ now be attended with a great deal of Trouble, 
“we have taken this Thing into our Conside¬ 
ration, having, while we were on our Jour- 
“ ney, obferved your People’s Settlements, and 
“ are willing to give up the Lands on the EaSt- 
“ Side of Sujquehannah , from the blue Hills to 
“where I’hornas Magee the Indian Trader lives, 
“and leave it to you to afiign the Worth of 
“them.” But at the fame Time they exprefs 
a Willingnefs to dilpofe of the Lands eaStward 
of Sujquehannah , they infiSt with more Earnefl- 
nefs that the People Should be removed from 
the unpurchafed Land weStward of that River. 
They let the Governor know they had Seen 
fome Papers which were interpreted to them to 
be Orders for thefe People to remove in con- 
fequence of the Complaints made by the De¬ 
puties of the Seneca Nations: They thank him 
for taking Notice of the Complaints, and for 


( 6 J ) 

taking Meafures to turn off the People: but 
told him, they were apprehenfive that no better 
Effects would follow thefe than former Ones 
of the fame Nature; “If that fhould be the 
“ Cafe we muff, laid they, infift on it, that as 
“ this is on the Hunting-Ground of our Cou- 
“ fins the Nanticokes , and other Indians , living 
“on the Waters of "Juniata , you ufe more vi- 
“ gorous Meafures, and forcibly remove them.” 
Alter this they inform the Governor, that one 
ol their young Warriors, CanaJJatego s Nephew, 
had been lately murdered, and prefs him in 
ftrong Terms to examine carefully into the 
Truth how this Warrior came by his Death, 
and to judge impartially without Favour or 
Affection to his own People. 

In anfwer to this the Governor thanks them 
for their firm Adherence to the Interefi: of his 
Majefty during the War, and for the particu¬ 
lar Declaration of Regard they had expreffed 
for the People of this Province. He lets them 
know that their Vifit was taken kindly, and as 
a Proof of this, that a handfome Prefent was 
provided for them. Having anfwered what 
concerned the Public, he proceeded to fpeak 
to that which was addreffed to himfelf and the 
Council, and fays, “Brethren, we have taken 
“into Confederation your Offer of fome Lands 
“lying on the Eaft-fide of Sujquehannah ; and 
“ tho’ we have no Directions from the Pro¬ 
prietaries, who are now in England , to treat 
“with you for Lands, yet, as we judged it for 
“their Benefit, and for the public Good, not 
“to rejeCt the Offer you have thought proper 
“to make, we fent you Word by the Inter- 
“ preter that we would treat with you about a 
“ new Purchafe, but, at the fame Time, we 
‘ gave you to underhand that we could by no 

“ Means 


( 6 4 ) 

£ Means accede to your Propofal in the Man- 
£ ner you limited it, viz. to the Lands lying 
£ on the Eaff-fide of Sujquehannah as far as 
£ ' Thomas Magee s, becaufe you mull be fenfi- 
£ ble, that as the Head of the River Schuykill 
£ lies not far from the Sujquehannah , and not 
£ far from the Head of Schuykill there runs 
£ one of the main Branches of the River Dela- 
c ware ; and that the Delaware Indians , in their 
c lafl Treaty, had granted the Lands from this 
£ Branch to very near the Lechawachjein on 
£ Delaware ; I fay, confidering all thefe Things 
£ which were explained to you on a Draught, 

£ by which it appeared that all you offer is 
£ mountainous, broken and poor Land, you 
£ muff know that this is not worth our Accep¬ 
tance; but we added, if you would extend 
£ your Offer to go more northerly on Sujque- 
£ hannah as far as Shamokin , and that the Trad: 

£ might carry its Breadth to Delaware River, 
c fo that we could in any Manner juffify our- 
c lelves to the Proprietaries, we would clofe 
£ and give you a juff Confideration for the 
£ Lands. On this you held a Council and made 
£ us a fecond Offer, that you would fign a 
£ Deed to the Proprietaries for all that Trad 
£ of Land that lies within the following Bounds, 

£ viz. beginning at Kittochtinny Hills where our 
£ laff Purchafe ends on Sujquehannah , from 
£ thence by the Courfes of the River Sujque- 
£ hannah to the firff Mountain north of the 
£ Creek called in the Onondago Language Can- 
£ tawghy , and in the Delaware Language Mag- 
£ hooniahy , on the faid River Sujquehannah'. 

£ This is the weffern Boundary. Then for 
£ the north Boundary, by a ffraight Line to 
c be run from that Mountain to the main 
£ Branch of Delaware River at the north Side 

C£ of 


( 65 ) 

££ of the Mouth of Lechawachfein , fo as to take 
££ hi the Waters of Lechawachfein. The eaft 
££ Boundary to be the River Delaware from 
££ the North of the Vifhkill to the Kittochtinny 
££ Hills. I he South Boundary to be the 
££ Range of the Kittochtinny Hills to the Place 
£C of beginning; together with the I hands in 
££ the Rivers of Sufquehannah and Delaware in 
££ that Compafs. Having received this fecond 
££ Offer, tho’ neither in this is there any con- 
££ hderable Quantity of good Land, yet, in re- 
tc gard to your Poverty, more than to the real 
£l Value of the Trad:, we fent you Word, that, 
“ on your figning a Deed, we would pay you 
“the Sum of five Hundred Pounds.” 

As to the People fettled on Juniata the Go¬ 
vernor lets the Indians know, that it will be no 
difficult Matter to remove thefe Intruders, if 
fome of the Indians do not give them Counte¬ 
nance; that not above four or five Years ago 
they had all been removed from Juniata , nor 
would any have prefumed to go there fince, 
had they not been favoured by fome Indians. 
He inffances to them fome Indians objeding 
about a Year before to the Removal of the 
white People fettled on the Path leading to 
Allegheny , and tells them that they muff not 
defend, nor invite back, the People that are 
turned off; and on his Part allures them that 
he will caufe the People to remove. With re¬ 
gard to the Indian that was murdered, he in¬ 
forms them, that he had already caufed a full 
and impartial Enquiry to be made how he 
came by his Death, and that the moff proba¬ 
ble Conjedure that could be formed was, that 
the Murder was committed by fome of the In¬ 
dian s own Comrades; that Mr. Croghan , the 
Magiffrate before whom the Matter was laid, 
i would 


( 66 ) 

would have examined the Indians , but they 
would not fubmit to it, and one of them in 
particular ran away; that, however, the white 
People, at whofe Houfe the Indians got Liquor, 
were all bound over to Court, and if it ap¬ 
peared that they, or any others, were concerned 
in the Murder, they fhould fuffer as if they 
had killed a white Man. After feveral Con¬ 
ferences with the Chiefs of the Indians concern¬ 
ing the new Purchafe of Lands, (of which no 
Minutes are publifhed) the Limits were at 
length agreed to by both Sides, and the Con- 
fideration Money paid, whereupon the Indians 
executed a Deed for the fame. 

Whether this Sale of Lands was a Thing 
agreed upon in the Council at Onondago , or 
whether thefe Deputies, upon finding their 
Vifit was not like to be agreeable, and that 
they were to expert no Prefent without a Sale 
of fome Land, might not, without any particu¬ 
lar Orders to that Purpofe, undertake of them- 
felves to make this Sale, fhall at prefent be 
palled over. Nor fhall we infill upon what 
Canajfatego , in the Name of the Six Nations, 
declares in the Treaty in 1742, viz. "That after 
that Time they wouldJell no Lands hut when their 
Brother Onas was in the Country , and they would 
know beforehand the Quantity of Goods they were 
to receive: They might change their Minds. 
But, as this Purchafe of 1749 is the laft which 
the Proprietaries, or their Agents, have made 
of the Indians , on the eaft Side of Sufquehannah , 
it may not be improper to flop here a little, 
and colled; into one View what relates to the 
Lands on that Side, in order that we may fee 
whether there be any juft Grounds for the 
Complaints which the Delaware Indians lately 
made of their being cheated out of their Lands. 

It 


( 67 ) 

/ 

It is true, as the Indians have no Writings, nor 
Records among them, fave their Memories and 
Belts of Wampum, we can only have Recourfe 
to the Minutes taken, and Records kept, by 
one Party, nay, oftentimes, by thofe who, if 
any advantage was taken of the Indians , muff 
have been concerned in it, and confequently 
would not care, by minuting every Thing truly, 
to perpetuate their own Difgrace. 

In 1718 we find that an Enquiry was made 
into Land Affairs by the Proprietary Commif- 
fioners and the Delaware Indian Chiefs; that 
the old Deeds were carefully infpedted, the 
Bounds of the Purchafes made of the Indians 
at fundry Times fully afcertained; and, to put 
an End to all Doubts and Difputes for the 
future, a Deed of Confirmation granted by the 
Indians for all the Lands they had heretofore 
fold the Proprietaries, namely from Duck Creek 
to the Lechay Hills which are fouthward of the 
Forks of Delaware. In 1722 a Settlement is 
made at Tulpyhockin : In 1728 the Indians at a 
public Treaty complain of it as being on their 
Land. Upon Examination, and referring back 
to the foregoing Deed, it is found to be as they 
fay, and they are requefted not to moleft or 
injure the People feated there, but to wait till 
that Matter could be adjufted. Thus the 
Matter refted till the Proprietor came over in 
1732, when this Trad: of Land was purchafed 
of the Indians. But tho’ the Purchafes which 
the Proprietaries had made of the Indians were 
ftill (except at Duty hoc kin) bounded by the 
Lechay Hills, one Gentleman having purchafed 
a Right to 10,000 Acres of unlocated * Lands, 

* i. e. Land in general, the Place or Places where the 
Right is to be laid among the vacant Lands in the Wilder- 
nefs, not being yet chofen, nor afcertained by any Survey. 

found 


( 68 ) 

found Means to have a Part of thefe located 
in the Forks above 30 Miles above the Boun¬ 
daries in the Indian Country. Encouraged by 
his Example, many others foon after entered, 
and poffeffed themfelves of the adjacent Coun¬ 
try. Of this the Indians complained; but in- 
ftead of paying any Regard to their Complaints 
a Lottery of Land was fet on Foot by the Pro¬ 
prietor in 1734, whereby the greateft Part of 
the Fork Lands, then full of Indian Settlements, 
were offered to Sale. In the mean Time, to 
amufe the Indians , feveral Conferences are held 
with fome of their Chiefs, viz. one at Durham , 
one at Penfbury , and one at Philadelphia ; but as 
no Minutes of thefe Conferences were ever pub- 
lifhed, and if any were taken, were only entered 
in the Council Books, to which Accefs is de¬ 
nied, we fhould have been at a Lofs to know 
what was there debated and tranfa&ed, were it 
not for a Releafe granted at the laft of thefe 
Conferences. In the Preamble of this we are 
informed, that the Affair of Lands was the Sub¬ 
ject of thefe Conferences; that the Proprietor, 
in order to fettle Matters with the Indians , had 
Recourfe, not, as had been done before, to the 
Deed of 1718, which would have clearly deter¬ 
mined the Boundaries between him and the 
Indians , but to a Writing which was produced 
as a Deed granted by their Forefathers to Wil¬ 
liam Penn in 1686; and, to prove the Validity 
of this, the Evidence of two Perfons is taken, 
who folemnly declared, not that they had feen 
fuch a Deed executed, and that this was the 
very Deed, but that they remembered there was 
a Treaty held at that Time between the Indians 
and the Agents of JVilliam Penn. By the Re¬ 
citals in the Preamble it would appear as if the 
Deed of 1686 itfelf had been fhewn to the In¬ 
dians ^ 


( 6 9 ) 

dians , and that the Proprietor had waited pa¬ 
tiently till the Indians were fatisfied of the Truth 
of it. But the contrary is notorious: For the 
People, during thefe Conferences, were fettling 
thick in the Forks, and as to the Deed it is 
clear there was none fhewn. However, the In¬ 
dians being made to believe, that their Forefa¬ 
thers had granted fuch a Deed, were induced, 
without any farther Confideration, to Sign a 
Releafe anfwering thereto. There is fome 
Reafon to think that the Six Nations had, by 
their Authority, forced them into this Meafure. 
The Year before, their Deputies had been at 
Philadelphia ^ and fold the Lands on Sujquehannah , 
lor which they had received a large Quantity of 
Goods, and befides a considerable Prefent. At 
this Time Complaints were made to them 
againSt the Delawares , for giving the Province 
Disturbance about Lands, which, as was faid, 
the Proprietor had purchafed from them, and 
paid for, above 55 Years ago. On their Return 
home the Deputies, loaded with Prelents, paffed 
thro’ the Delaware Country, and the next Spring 
fome of the Delawares came down and figned 
the Releafe mentioned above. As the Land 
granted by this Releafe was to be meafured by 
a Day and half’s Walk, the Proprietor got Men 
noted for walking, had a Road prepared and 
laid out with the Compafs, and Horfes pro¬ 
vided to carry them over Rivers, by which 
Means they were enabled to travel over a pro¬ 
digious Extent of Country. Nor was the Ex¬ 
tent of the Purchafe determined by the Journey, 
which the two Men performed who were firSt 
fixed on, but by that of another, who knowing 
himfelf capable of performing a great Journey, 
had, in order to ingratiate himfell with the 
Proprietor, joined the other two, and travelled 

about 


( 7 ° ) 

about fix Miles farther than any of them. And, 
what is ftill more, from the End of the Walk, 
inftead of drawing a Line by the neareft Courfe 
to the River Delaware , or parallel to that from 
which they fet out, they run a North-Eaft 
Courfe to near the Mouth of the Lechawachjein , 
and by this Means the Boundary Line was car¬ 
ried many Miles beyond the Lechay Hills, and 
took in many Hundred Thoufand Acres more 
than it ought to have done. The Indians im¬ 
mediately faw and complained of the Fraud, 
nor would they give up their Claim, and relin- 
quiffi their Land, till forced thereto, as we have 
feen above, by the Six Nation Deputies in 1742. 
With refped to the Purchafe of 1749, it is to 
be obferved, the Deputies of the Six Nations 
at firfi: of themfelves only offer to fell the Lands 
on the Eafi: Side of Sujc[uehannah. They never 
feem to have claimed a Right to fell the Lands 
on Delaware. It is true, fourteen Days after 
the Deed of 1736 was granted, a few of the 
Indians who remained in Town were drawn in 
to fign a Writing, declaring that they meant to 
extend the Grant to Delaware ; but this was not 
an Ad: of the whole, nor was any Confideration 
paid, and every Circumftance confidered, or 
only this one, viz. how Indians commonly de¬ 
bauch themfelves with Liquor, after they think 
publick Bufinefs is over, it may be faid this 
was done in a Manner not the fartheft removed 
from all Sufpicion of Chicanery. But, however 
that be, we never find the Six Nations objeded 
to the Sales formerly made by the Delawares. 
At prefent, as the Proprietary Officers would 
not buy unlefs the Trad extended to the Dela¬ 
ware , the Indians we are told, after holding a 
Council, agree it fhall extend fo far: And, no 
doubt, it was to give a Sandion to the Sale that 

Nutimus 


( 7 1 ) 

Nutimus and Hhialpaghach , two Delaware Chiefs, 
were made Parties in the Deed, and drawn in 
to lign it. But how far an Action, done thro’ 
Compulfton, binds them, or admitting the Ac¬ 
tion voluntary, yet how far, even in that Cafe, 
it would bind a Nation, whofe Form of Go¬ 
vernment is fuch, that nothing is deemed valid, 
but what is deliberated and agreed upon in their 
publick Councils, is eafily determined. Again, 
it it was neceflary to make fome of the Dela¬ 
wares Parties to the Deed, why were not fome 
of the Munfey or Minifink Indians alfo taken in? 

A large Part of their Country was included in 
this Grant, yet they are never confulted, not a 

Deputy is prefent from their Nation.- 

Such are the Facfts; each one of them can be 
proved by publick Records or living Witnelfes: 

Whether then the Complaints of King Teedyuf- 
cung, , who, in a publick Capacity, reprefents the 
feveral Tribes of the Delawares , as well as the 
Munfeys , &c. who have of late united in one 
League, and chofen him for their Head; that 
is, whether the Complaints of all, or any, of 
thefe Tribes or Nations of Indians , have any 

juft Foundation, let the World judge.- 

But to return from this Digreftion. As the 
People who had fettled on the Lands unpur- 
chafed of the Six Nations did not pay Regard 
to the Governor’s Proclamation, it was judged 
proper to put the Law ftri&ly in Execution 
againft them, and for that Purpofe Secretary 
Peters was fent up in May 1750. “On his pc 
Way he met with fome Indians , to whom he ter r s ‘, s £" e _ 
imparted his Buhnefs: T. hey told him, they p 0r t to the 
were exceedingly pleafed to hear he was going Governor, 
to remove thofe People; that it was an Affair 
the Council of Onondago or the Six Nations had 
very much at Heart, but they were afraid this 

would 




( 7 2 ) 

would prove like former Attempts; the People 
would be put off now, and next Year come 
again; if fo, they faid the Six Nations would 
no longer bear it, but would do themfelves Juf- 
tice. After this Mr. Peters proceeded, and 
being accompanied with thofe Indians , broke up 
the Settlements in Sherman s Valley, on Juniata , 
at Aucquick (alias Aughwick ) in the Path Valley 
and Big Cove, which all lie beyond the Kittoch - 
tinny Hills, every where difpoffeffing the People, 
taking PofTeffion for the Proprietors, and burn¬ 
ing the mofl ordinary Houfes and Cabbins. 
The People of the Little Cove, which was a 
Part of the unpurchafed Lands juft on the Bor¬ 
ders of Maryland , prefented him a Petition, ad- 
drefled to the Governor, praying that they might 
be allowed to remain there till a Purchafe was 
made of the Lands from the Indians. As but 
few had figned the Petition, he returned it to 
thofe who prefented it, telling them, when it 
was figned by more, if it fhould appear to him 
that they were North of the temporary Line 
(/. e. in the Bounds of Penfylvania) he would 
recommend their Cafe to the Governor.” 
Strange! that he who was fent up to remove 
thofe People who were fettled on the Indians 
Land, who knew fo well how much the Indians 
were irritated at People’s fettling there, and how 
warmly they remonftrated againft it, nay, who 
feemed convinced of (and as he himfelf declares 
proceeded on) cc this as a certain Truth, That, 
if he did not at this Journey entirely remove 
thefe People, it would not be in the Power of 
the Government to prevent an Indian War,”— 
that, after this, he fhould undertake to be an 
Interceffor for fuch Intruders, or, he fays him¬ 
felf, to recommend their Cafe to the Governor! 
But the Indians before obferved, that Perfons 

fent 


( 73 ) 

fent on that Errand had not been remarkable 
for doing their Duty; that fo far from removing 
the People, they made Surveys for themfelves, 
and were in League with the Trefpaffers. 

By the Meffage which the Governor fent to 
the Aflembly with Mr. Peters' s Report, it ap¬ 
pears that what had been done was like to be 
of - little Avail, and that there would be an ab- 
folute Neceffity of taking ftill farther Meafures 
againft thefe Intruders. In fhort, fo little Ef¬ 
fect had this, that thofe who had been fpared 
were fpirited up to flay, and others went and 
fettled by them, fo that in a few Years the Set¬ 
tlements in the Indian Country were more nu¬ 
merous, and farther extended than ever. 

In 1753, when the French came with an arm¬ 
ed Force to take Pofleflion of the Lands on the 
Ohio, and to build a Fort, the Six Nation In¬ 
dians, with the Shawaneje and Delawares on the 
Ohio, feemed very much alarmed, and refolved 
at all Events to oppofe them. Upon firft hear¬ 
ing of their coming, they had twice fent Orders 
to the French not to proceed; but finding their 
Meftages had not the defired Effed, they agreed 
to divide themfelves into two Parties, one to go 
to Virginia and Penfylvania to requeft Aftiftance, 
and the other to the French Commander, with 
exprefs Orders to quit their Country, otherwife 
they would declare War againft him. 

The firft Party, having tranfaded their Bufi- Treaty a 
nefs with the Governor of Virginia, fet forward Carlifle, 
for Penfylvania, and were met at Carlifle by Com- 1 753 - 
miftioners appointed by Governor Hamilton to 
treat with them. At this Time they defire that 
Penfylvania and Virginia would forbear fettling 
on the Indian Lands over the Allegheny Hills; 
fo far had People got, tho’ as yet no Purchafe 
was made beyond the Kittochtinny Mountains. 
k • They 


( 74 ) 

They advife thefe Governments to call back 
their People on this Side the Hills. They don’t 
ufe Threats as had been done before. The 
Times were critical, and the Indians were un¬ 
willing to fay or do any Thing from which the 
Englijh might have Room to fufped their Friend- 
fhip. What, therefore, at another Time, they 
would have infilled on in a peremptory Manner, 
and if we may judge from their former Conduct, 
inforced with Threats, they now only advife 
from prudential Motives, and feemingly out 
of Regard to us, “left (as they fay) Damage 
“fhould be done, and we fhould think ill of 
£C them.” They exprelly delire that no People 
fhould be allowed to fettle on the Juniata Lands 
till Matters are fettled between them and the 
French. 

After this, deliring the Commiftioners to 
give ftrid Attention to what they are going to 
fay, as being a Matter of great Moment, they 
proceed to take Notice, “That our Indian 
Traders are too numerous and fcattered; that 
the French look on their Number at Ohio with 
Envy; they, therefore, defired that the greateft 
Part of them might be called home, and that 
three Setts only might remain at the Places 
which they had appointed for their Refidence, 
viz. Logs-Fown , the Mouth of Canawa , and the 
Mouth of the Monongahela ; there, they faid, 
they would proted them, and to thefe Places 
they would go and buy Goods, and no where 
elfe.” This was what the Indians had long in 
View. They were fenfible of their own Weak- 
nefs, and immoderate Defire of ftrong Drink, 
by which they expofed themfelves to many 
Abufes and Inconveniencies. They had fre¬ 
quently complained to the Fnglifh Governments, 
and delired that fome Meafures might be taken 

to 


( 75 ) 

to prevent Liquors being carried among them 
in fuch Quantities, but nothing was done to 
Purpofe: They were told indeed, they might 
break the Calks, and fpill all the Liquor that 
was brought among them, but this they found 
by Experience would not do: The Rum-Car¬ 
riers, as they called the Traders, found Means 
to elude this. As long, therefore, as thefe Per- 
fons were permitted to go into their Country, 
they faw clearly that no Remedies could be found 
out to prevent the Evil they complained of. 
For this Reafon, in 1736, they defired the 
Traders might be recalled from the Ohio, and 
confined to fome one Place on Sufquehannah : 
At the fubfequent Treaties they renewed this 
Requeft, and now fix upon three Places for the 
Traders to refide, and requeft that none but 
hjneft and fober Men may be differed to deal 
with them. 

Had this been complied with, the Englifh 
might eafily have engrofied the Trade, and fe- 
cured the Affections, of many of the Indian 
Nations; whereas, by negleCting this, and dif¬ 
fering a Parcel of Banditti, under the Character 
of Traders, to run up and down from one In¬ 
dian Town to another, cheating and debauching 
the Indians , we have given them an ill Opinion 
of our Religion and Manners, and loft their 
Efteem and Friendfhip. 

With what Earneftnefs the Indians defired to 
have the Trade regulated may be feen from the 
Speech of the Indian Chief to the Commifiion- 
ers; “Your Traders, fays he, bring fcarce any 
“ Thing but Rum and Flour: They bring little 
“ Powder and Lead, or other valuable Goods. 
“ The Rum ruins us. We beg you would pre¬ 
sent its coming in fuch Quantities by regu- 
<c lating the Traders. We never underftood the 

cc Trade 


( 76 ) 

“ Trade was to be for Whifky and Flour. We 
“defire it may be forbidden, and none fold in 
“the Indian Country; but that, if the Indians 
“will have any, they may go among the In- 
“ habitants and deal with them for it. When 
“ thefe Whifky-Traders come, they bring thirty 
“ or forty Cags, and put them down before us, 
“ and make us drink, and get all the Skins that 
“ fbould go to pay the Debts we have contracted 
“ for Goods bought of the fair Traders, and by 
“this Means we not only ruin ourfelves but 
“them too. Thefe wicked Whifky-Sellers, 
“when they have got the Indians in Liquor, 
“make them fell the very Cloaths from their 
“ Backs. In fhort, if this Practice be continued, 
“ we muft be inevitably ruined. We molt earn- 
“ eftly, therefore, befeech you to remedy it.” 

The Commiffioners, not having a Power to 
remedy thefe Diforders, promifed to lay them 
before the Governor, and reprefent to him the 
Neceffity of thofe Regulations which the Indians 
defired fhould be made. This they accordingly 
did: But, as ufual, nothing more was done 
therein. 

The Affembly of the Province, after reading 
the above Treaty, and examining feveral Papers 
and Evidences about Indian Affairs, “bewail 
“the miferable Situation of our Indian Trade 
“ carried on (fome few excepted) by the vileff 
“ of our own Inhabitants and ConviCts import- 
“ ed from Great-Britain and Ireland , by which 
“ Means the Rnglifh Nation is unhappily re- 
“ prefented among our Indian Allies in the molt 
“ difagreeable Manner. Thefe, continue they, 
“ trade without Controul, either beyond the 
“ Limits, or, at leaf!, beyond the Power of our 
“ Laws, debauching the Indians and themfelves 
“with fpirituous Liquors, which they now 

“ make 


( 77 ) 

cc make, in a great Meafure, the principal 
“Article of‘their Trade, in direct Violation of 
“ our Laws, fupplied, as we are informed, by 
“ fome of the Magistrates, who hold a Com- 
“ miffion under this Government, and other 
“ Inhabitants of our back Counties.” Meffage 
to the Governor, February 27, 1754. 

In the Treaty of Carlifle we find Mention 
made of fome Shawaneje being made Prifoners, 
and confined in Charles-Fown\ to follicite the 
Releafe of whom, Scarroyady , the principal Sa¬ 
chem, , was deputed, and had undertaken to go 
to Carolina'. But, as the Commifiioners thought 
that his Prefence was very neceffary at the Ohio , 
they advifed him to return, letting him know, 
that the Releafe of the Prifoners would be fooner 
and more effectually procured by the Interpo¬ 
sition of the Governors of Virginia and Penjylva- 
nia , to whom they would recommend it, than by 
his perfonal Solicitation. This was agreed to.— 

The next Summer, by an Order from Eng¬ 
land , a grand Treaty was held with the Six 
Nations at Albany , at which were prefent Com- 
miffioners from mod of the Provinces on the 
Continent. At this Time a Purchafe of Lands 
was made for the Proprietors of Penjylvania , 
which ruined our Intereft with the Indians , and 
threw thofe of them, efpecially to the weftward 
of us, entirely into the Hands of the French. 
It was bounded northerly by a North-Weft by 
Weft Line, drawn from near Shamokin to Lake 
Erie , and to the Weft and South by the utmoft 
Extent of the Province. By this the Lands, 
where the Shawaneje and Ohio Indians lived, and 
the Hunting-Ground of the Delawares , the 
Nanticokes and the Futeloes , were included, and 
confequently thefe Nations had nothing to ex- 
pe& but to fee themfelves in a Short Time, at 


1 7 54 * 



( 78 ) 

the Rate the Englijh fettled, violently driven 
from their Lands, as the Delawares had formerly 
been, and reduced to leave their Country, and 
feek a Settlement they knew not where. This, 
no doubt, engaged many of thefe People to give 
Ear to the French , who declared that they did 
not come to deprive the Indians of their Land, 
but to hinder the Englijh from fettling weftward 
of the Allegheny Hills. The Council of the Six 
Nations were alfo difpleafed at this Grant: For 
it is to be obferved, that this Sale or Grant was 
not made agreeable to the Method which the 
Deputies of the Six Nations, at the Treaty of 
1742, declared they always obferved in the Sale 
of Lands. It was not agreed upon in the Coun¬ 
cil of Onondago , but condemned by them as foon 
as they heard of it: Neither were there any De¬ 
puties from the Indians on the Ohio , who looked 
on thefe Lands as a Part of their Pofleflion gua¬ 
ranteed to them by the Senecas. In what Man¬ 
ner, and by what Means, this Grant was ob¬ 
tained, is well known to fome who attended the 
Treaty, as well as the Artifices ufed for near a 
Week to induce the Indians to execute the Deed. 

The People of Connetticut had, under Colour 
of their Charter, laid Claim to fome Lands in 
the North-Weft Part of the Province of Pen- 
fylvania ; and, but a fhort Time before, fome 
Perfons had come from thence and made Sur¬ 
veys a little above Shamokin. At this Treaty, 
their Commilfioners wanted to treat with the 
Indians about the Purchafe of thefe Lands. The 
Proprietary Agent hearing this, endeavoured 
to be before hand, and propofed to purchafe 
the Lands for the Proprietors. The Indians 
refufed to fell. Hereupon it was reprefented 
to them, that unlefs they figned fomething of 
a Writing for thefe Lands to the Proprietary 

Agent, 


( 79 ) 

Agent, it would be taken for granted that they 
had either fold them to the French , or intended 
to iell them to the People of New-England. In 
order, therefore, to remove that Sufpicion, fome 
of the Indians were, after much Perfuaflon, by 
the Intereft of a Perfon known to have a con¬ 
siderable Influence among the Indians , or at 
leafl: thofe of the Mohock Nation, prevailed 
upon to fign the Releafe, contrary to the eftab- 
lifhed Cuftom and Ufage of the Six Nations, 
not fo much with a View of conveying the 
Lands, as to give the Proprietaries Aflurance 
that they would not fell them to any other. 

Yet even this could not be obtained without 
fome private Prefents to particular Indians of 
known Influence and Authority. 

In the Fall of this Year Conrad fVeifer was fe’>^pj~ r 
fent by the Governor to meet at Aughwick (or nal ^li- 
Aucquick ) the Delawares and Shawanefe who V ered to 
lived on Ohio. As he had been very active in the Go- 
the Bargain lately made at Albany , it was ne- vernor * 
ceflary he fhould now ufe his Endeavours to 
palliate that Tranfadion, in fuch a Manner as 
would give leafl: Umbrage to the Pofleflors of 
the Lands, which were thus purchafed without 
their Privity or Confent. The Account he 
thought proper to give in Writing of this Part 
of his Buflnefs, or at leafl: fo much as was laid 
before the Aflembly, is very Short. He only 
fays, that at this Meeting he informed the In¬ 
dians, , at their own Requeft, of what was done 
in the Treaty at Albany , and of the Purchafe 
of Land that was made there. They immedi¬ 
ately Shewed their Diflatisfadion: Soon after 
this, Shecalamy declared, that the Indians did 
not understand the Points of the Compafs, but 
if the Line was fo run as to include theweftern 
Branch of Sufquehannah they would never agree 

to 


C. Wei- 
fer’s Jour 
nal. 


( 80 ) 

to it. But, upon letting them know the New- 
England People’s Defign, and putting them in 
Mind, that the French had pofleffed themfelves 
of the Ohio Lands, which they might look on 
as loft to them, he fays, “They were content, 
but would have been more fo, if they had re¬ 
ceived a Part of the Confideration. 

And that their Diftatis faCtion continued, was 
foon after very manifeft to one of the Pro¬ 
prietary Surveyors, who, being fent to lurvey 
fome of thefe Lands, was met with by fome of 
the Indians , taken Prifoner to an Indian Town, 
detained till the next Day, and, after divers 
Confultations held there, conduced back by 
a Guard towards the Englifh Settlements, and 
made to underftand, that, if he came again 
upon the fame Buftnefs, he lhould not be buf¬ 
fered to depart in the fame Manner. 

It was very unfortunate for the Englifh In¬ 
terest, that, at the fame Time the Affections 
of the Indians were alienated from us by the 
Abufes committed in Trade, and by our dif- 
pofleffing them of their Lands, their Opinion 
of our military Abilities was very much leffen- 
ed. But a few Months before this Treaty at 
Aughwick Colonel JVafhington was defeated, 
whofe ConduCt and Behaviour gave fo much 
Offence to the Indians that Ehanachrijhon , a 
Seneca Chief, commonly known by the Title 
of the Half King, as being at the Head of the 
Weftern Indians , who were dependant on the 
Six Nations, could not help complaining of it, 
tho’ in a very modeft Manner. “The Colonel, 
he faid, was a good natured Man, but had no 
Experience; he took upon him to command 
the Indians as his Slaves, and would have them 
every Day upon the Scout, and to attack the 
Enemy by themfelves, but would by no Means 

take 


( 81 ) 

take Advice from the Indians. He lay in one 
Place from one Full-Moon to the other, with¬ 
out making any Fortifications, except that little 
Thing on the Meadow; whereas, had he taken 
Advice, and built fuch Fortifications as he (the 
Halt King) advifed him, he might eafily have 
beat off the French. But the French in the En¬ 
gagement adted like Cowards and the Englifh 
like Fools.” 

But, to pafs over this, as well as the haugh¬ 
ty Manner in which General Braddock , who ar¬ 
rived the Year following, behaved to th t Indians, 
whereby we loft the Friendfhip of many who 
had hitherto remained fteady in our Tntereft; 
nor to mention his mournful Defeat, which 
foon after happened, and confirmed the Indians 
in the Opinion they had conceived of our Want 
of Prudence and Skill in War; we fee from this 
Review, and Detail of Fadts, that the Com¬ 
plaints of the Indians are by no Means new, 
that the Grounds of their Uneafinefs have been 
of long ftanding, and that they have complained 
of, and thought themfelves aggrieved in, the 
Death of JVeekweley , the Delaware Chief, who 
was hanged in the JerJeys\ in the Imprifonment 
of the Shawanefe Warriors in Carolina , where 
the principal Man died; and in the Abufes re¬ 
ceived from the Indian Traders, and the Injuf- 
tice done them in refpedt of their Lands; all 
which, except that of the Trade, which is not 
mentioned, exadtly correfpond with the Account 
given by the Deputies of the Six Nations at 
the late Treaty at Lancafter , when called upon 
to declare if they knew the Caufe of the Dela¬ 
wares and Shawanefe making War upon the 
Englifh. 

No doubt, the critical Conjuncture of Af¬ 
fairs, the Solicitations and Promifes of the 
l French , 


( 82 ) 

French, together with the Succefs that had 
hitherto attended their Arms, might induce 
the Indians to fall upon the Englifh at this par¬ 
ticular Time, as being the mod favourable 
Opportunity of taking Revenge: But ftill the 
Wrongs and Abufes they had fuffered were 
what inflamed their Refentment, and, as they 
fay themfelves, made the Blow fall the heavier. 
And, if we examine, we fhall find that the feve- 
ral neighbouring Nations, as they have imagined 
themfelves more or lefs aggrieved, have fhewn 
their Refentment by afting more or lefs vigor- 
oufly againft us. The feveral Tribes of the 
Delawares , who were deprived of their Lands, 
and driven from their Homes and Settlements 
in the Forks, and fo ignominioufly treated and 
expelled the Council, and above all the Munfeys 
or Minifink Indians , whofe Lands were taken 
from them without any Shadow of Juflice, now 
took a fevere Revenge. The Shawaneje , who 
had, with others, complained in vain of the 
Traders, who faw themfelves deprived firfl of 
their Hunting-Ground on Juniata , afterwards 
of their whole Country by the Purchafe in 
1754, were not much behind the former in 
their cruel Incurfions. The Backwardnefs of 
the Senecas to accommodate the Difference and 
heal the Breach when once made, or rather the 
Encouragement and Support they gave the 
Indians who declared themfelves our Enemies, 
may eafily be attributed to their Refentment 
at feeing the Lands weftward of the Kittochtinny 
Hills, which they confidered as more particu¬ 
larly under their Care, unjuftly invaded, their 
Complaints and Remonftrances little regarded, 
and, laftly, the great Purchafe in 1754 made 
without their Confent and Approbation. 

But ftill it remains a Oueftion, whether all 

the 


( 83 ) 

the Delawares would have declared themfelves 
our Enemies, had it not been for the impru¬ 
dent Condud: of one Charles Broadhead , of 
Northampton County. Feedyujcung declares, 
that, by this young Man, he was furprized 
into the War before he had Time to think; 
that, after the firft Incurfion made on the En- 
gli/h by the weftern Delawares and other Indians 
from Ohio , that Man came to Wyoming , and 
(tho’ he had no Authority) as if commilfioned 
fo to do, charged him and his People with be¬ 
ginning El oddities, threatened them in a very 
high Strain, and told them the Englifh were 
preparing to take a fevere Revenge. The 
Indians , alarmed at this, immediately dehred 
the fame Broadhead to carry a MelTage from 
them to the Governor of Penfylvania , to allure 
him of their Friendfhip, and to bring them an 
Anfwer. This he neglected to do, fo that when 
the Indians had waited the Time appointed for 
an Anfwer, and found none fent, they were 
perfuaded that all was true that Broadhead had 
told, and thereupon prepared to defend them¬ 
felves, and, being infligated thereto by the 
French , chofe, rather to attack than be attack¬ 
ed. But when they were thus fuddenly drawn 
into the War, the Maltreatment they had for¬ 
merly met with immediately recurred to their 
Memory, awakened Refentment and armed 
them with double Fury. 

Having thus traced the Grounds of the In¬ 
dians Uneafinefs, and the Caufes of the War, 
it remains to fhew the Meafures taken to make 
up the Breach, and the Method which the In¬ 
dians propofe for fecuring a real and lading 
Peace. 

The Indians on Sufquehannah , about the Be¬ 
ginning of the prefent Quarrel between England 

and 


Eafton 
Treaty, 
1 7 56. 
Fol. 21. 


General 

Johnfon’s 

Treaty 

with the 

Mohawks, 

&c. Lond. 

Edit. 

Fol. 3. 


( 84 ) 

and France , confidering their Situation and di¬ 
vided State, every Tribe being a diftincft and 
independant Government, plainly faw that 
their Force could not be great, and that they 
might one by one be eahly crufhed, they, 
therefore, refolved to new-model their Govern¬ 
ment, and out of the feveral Tribes to form 
one Nation: Accordingly the Munfeys, and two 
Tribes of the Delawares , viz. the Lenopi and 
IFanami , joined together in a League, and chofe 
a Chief, Sachem or King, into whofe Hands 
they put the Management of their Affairs. 
Thofe who had been Sachems before, now wil¬ 
lingly, for the Sake of the publick Good, re- 
ftgned their Dignity, contenting themfelves 
with a Place in the Council. Feedyujcung was 
the Perfon chofen King: He immediately ap¬ 
pointed Captains, and regulated the Force of 
the Nation. Soon afterwards a Number of 
draggling Indians , who lived up and down 
without any Chief, joined in and {Lengthened 
the Alliance. By this Means, and the Junction 
of fome of the Mohiccons , or River Indians and 
Shawaneje , Feedyujcung foon faw himfelf at the 
Head of a very confiderable Body. In this 
Manner he refolved to wait and fee what Turn 
Affairs would take, and, when it was deter¬ 
mined to attack the Englifh , he took his Mea¬ 
sures fo, that, at the fame Time, the Frontiers 
of Penfylvania , New-Fork, and New-Jerfeys , 
were ravaged and destroyed. 

Upon the firft Notice of the Incurfions of 
the Indians , the Governor of New-Tork fent 
an Exprefs to General JohnJon with the News. 
Hereupon General JohnJon , who was juft re¬ 
turned from Lake George , fent to the Six Na¬ 
tions to meet him immediately, and, on the 
7th of Deceynber , fome of the Mohawks , Senecas , 

Oneidas 


( 85 ) 

Oneidas and Tufcarorzas , came to his Houfe, to 
whom he made known the Hoddities commited 
by the Shawaneje , Delawares , and River Indians , 
wz. the Munfeys or Mohiccons ; 4 ‘As thefe In- 
“ dians, fays he, are looked upon by us as 
<c Allies and Dependants of you the Six Na- 
£C tions, and living within the Limits of your 
<£ Country, I mud defire you will, without 
“ Lofs of Time, reprimand them for what they 
“have already done, prevent their doing any 
“ more Mifchief, and indd on their turning 
“ their Arms with us againd the French and 
“ their Indians , both your and our common 
“ Enemies, and that without Lofs of Time.” 

Immediately after this the Six Nations dis¬ 
patched fome Medengers to the Delawares , to 
know the Caufe why they made War on the 
Englijh , and to command them to dedd. A- 
bout the fame Time, namely in December 1755, 
Scarroyady , an Indian Chief, and another Indian , 
were fent from Philadelphia to the Six Nation 
Council, to lay before them the hodile Pro¬ 
ceedings of th zShawaneje and Delawares. Thefe, 
in order to dnd out the Difpodtions of the Scyroya- 
Enemy, directed their Courfe up the Sufque- c ^ u s nt ^ 
hannah. All the Way to JVyomen they found his Jour- 
the Indians againd us, and faw fome Parties ney, read 
going to War, whom they endeavoured, but in A1 " 
in vain, to dop. At an Indian Town, about Ap r i/ 10 . 
30 Miles above IVyomen , they met Feedyufcung , I75 6. 
who told them, he had fent to the Senecas and 
Oneidas for Adi dance againd the Englijh , but 
had not received an Anfwer; that he was going 
to fend again to the Six Nations, to which 
Medage if he did not receive an Anfwer, he 
faid, he fhould know what to do. From hence 
the Deputies proceeded to Diahogo , where they 
met the Medengers difpatched to the Dela¬ 
wares 


Lancafter 

Treaty, 

1757 - 
Philadel¬ 
phia print 
ed. 

Fol. 12. 


( 86 ) 

wares by the Oneidas , Cayugas and Mohawks , 
at the Instance of General Johnfon. Here the 
Meflengers of the Six Nations delivered what 
they had to fay to the Delaware Council, who, 
in their Anfwer, exprefled their Submiflion to 
the Six Nations, and faid they would fend 
fome of their Chiefs with them to the Six 
Nation Council, which they accordingly did. 
When they arrived there, the Council fharply 
reprehended the Delawares , and ordered them 
to defift. The Delawares endeavoured to juftify 
their Condud by the ill Ufage they had met 
with from the Englijh : However they promifed 
to inform their Nation and Warriors of what 
the Six Nations faid, and would return an An¬ 
fwer fpeedily. 

From Diahogo , Scarroyady and his Companion 
proceeded to Fort Johnfon , where, in February 
1756, was a Meeting of about 580 of the Six 
Nations and their Allies. At this Meeting 
Col. Johnfon again preffed the Six Nations to 
put a Stop to the Incurhons and Ravages of 
the Delawares which ftill continued. At firfl 
they feemed to wave the Matter: But, upon 
its being again more warmly recommended to 
them, they at laft agreed that fome Delegates 
from the Six Nations fhould ufe their utmoft 
Endeavours to accommodate the Matter be¬ 
tween the Englijh and Delawares , and for that 
Purpofe fent a Meflage to the Delawares to 
come and meet them at Otfaningo , an Indian 
Town on Sufquehannah. The Delawares came, 
and a Meeting was held, at which “the Depu- 
“ ties of the Six Nations charged the Delawares 
“to get fober; as they looked upon their Ac- 
“ tions as the Addons of drunken Men. ,> The 
“ Delawares returned for Anfwer, That they 
“ looked upon themfelves as Men and would 

“ acknowledge 


( 8 7 ) 

“acknowledge no Superiority that any other 
“Nation had over them. We are Men, and 
“are determined not to be ruled any longer 
“by you as Women; and we are determined 
“ to cut off* all the Engli/h , except thofe that 
“make their Efcape from us in Ships; fo fay 
“ no more to us on that Head, left we make 
“ Women of you as you have done of us. In 
“ the mean Time, tho’ they did not any longer 
“acknowledge the Six Nations in general as 
“their Uncles, they faid, they would liften to 
“what the Senecas faid.” It is to be obferved, 
that the Senecas , tho’ prefled by Sir William 
Johnfon , and the other five Nations, would not 
undertake to accommodate this Difference, but 
rather countenanced and encouraged the Dela¬ 
wares. The moft probable Reafons for their 
fo doing have been before afligned. The refo- 
lute Anfwer of the Delawares , and the known 
Encouragement they received from the Senecas , 
convinced the Six Nation Deputies that no¬ 
thing was to be done by Threats; therefore, 
changing their Stile, they, by fmoother Mea- 
fures, prevailed with the Delawares to agree to 
a Ceflation of Arms, and to meet them and 
Col. Johnfon to treat farther about a Peace. 

At the Time the Six Nation Meflengers fet 
out to invite the Delawares to a Council at 
Otfaningo , Scarroyady fet out on his Return to 
Philadelphia , where, having arrived in April 
1756, he gave the Governor an Account of his 
Embafly. A few Days after this, the Governor, 
without waiting the Refult of the Council at 
Otfaningo , finding that the Delawares ftill con¬ 
tinued their Ravages, declared War againft 
them, offering a Reward for Scalps and Pri- 
foners. 

Some Days before the War was declared, 

fome 


( 88 ) 

fome of the People called Quakers in Philadel¬ 
phia addrelTed the Governor, requesting him to 
fufpend the Declaration of War till fome far¬ 
ther pacific Meafures were tried, and offering, 
both with their Eftates and Perfons, to con¬ 
tribute their Affiftance therein; but War was 
declared: Some of this People, neverthelefs, 
with the Governor’s Leave, had feveral Meet¬ 
ings with Scarroyady and other Indian Chiefs 
then in Philadelphia , Conrad Weijer and Andrew 
Montour the Provincial Interpreters, and Daniel 
Claus , General Johnfon s Deputy-Secretary, 
being prefent. In the Courfe of the Conver- 
fation fome Things paffed which gave Room 
to hope, that the Difference between the Dela¬ 
wares and Englijh might be accommodated in 
an amicable Manner. And Scarroyady being 
requefted to give his Advice how to effefit fo 
defirable a Work, propofed to fend three In¬ 
dians, two of whom, viz. Captain Newcaftle and 
Jagrea were of the Council of the Six Nations, 
and one, viz. William Loquis , a Delaware , to 
Wyomen , to let the Delawares know, “There 
“ were a People rifen in Philadelphia , who de- 
cc fired to have Peace reftored, and that they 
“muSt ceafe from doing Mifchief, and not be 
“ afraid, but be willing, to come and treat with 
“ the Englijh Of this the Governor was in¬ 
formed, and, during the Conferences, having 
received Advice from the Governor of New- 
Tork of what had paffed at Otfaningo , of the 
propofed Meeting between Sir William Johnfon 
and the Delawares , he agreed to the difpatching 
the three Indian Meffengers; and, when they 
were ready to fet out, he delivered them a 
Meffage to the Delawares and Shawanefe In¬ 
dians living on Sujquehannah\ the Purport of 
which was, that he had, by Means of the Gov¬ 
ernor 


( 8 9 ) 

ernor ot New-York , received an Account from 
Sir William Johnfon of the Meeting at Otjaningo , 
and of the Ceffation of Arms there agreed; 
that if the Delawares would deliver up the En- 
glifh Prifoners to the Six Nations, and hearken 
to their Advice, in laying down the Hatchet, 
and abide by fuch Terms as fhould be agreed 
on, tho’ much Blood was fpilt, and the Englijh^ 
in Refentment of this, were well prepared to 
avenge themfelves, yet they had fo great Re¬ 
gard to the Six Nations, that it will be in their 
Power to perfuade the Englijh not to profecute 
the War, but to accept fair, juft and honour¬ 
able Terms; that he himfelf was for Peace, and 
that a great Number of People, the Defend¬ 
ants of thofe who came over with the firft 
Proprietor, were defirous to interpofe with the 
Government, to receive the Submiftion of the 
Delawares , and to overlook what was Paft, and 
re-eftablifh Peace, and had frequently applied 
to him for that Purpofe. The Delaware Mef- 
fenger was alfo to inform his Countrymen of 
the kind Treatment thofe of their Tribe, who 
lived among us, had received. 

The Meftengers went, delivered their Mef- 
fage, and on the 31ft of May brought back an 
Anfwer from Yeedyujcung , that he was willing 
to renew the Treaties of Friendfhip which 
William Penn had made with his Forefathers; 
that he and his People had agreed to what the 
Delegates of the Six Nations had required of 
them at Otjaningo ; that they begged what was 
paft might be forgotten; that they had laid 
down the Hatchet, and would never make Ufe 
of it any more againft the Englijh. 

After the Delivery of this Meftage, the Go¬ 
vernor delayed returning an Anfwer for feveral 
Davs, at which the Meftengers were very un- 
m eafy, 


Minutes 
of Coun¬ 
cil deli¬ 
vered to 
the Aflem- 
kly. 


( 9 ° ) 

eafy, and informed Conrad Weifer , that they 
were apprehenfive their long Stay would make 
the Diahogo Indians (viz. thofe to and from 
whom they had carried the foregoing Meffages) 
believe, that they were either cut off by the 
Englijh , or that this Government did not mean 
to conclude a Treaty with them. Whereupon 
the Governor, on the 8th of June , difpatched 
them back to Diahogo with a Meffage to inform 
the Indians , that he thanked them for the kind 
Reception they had given his Meffengers; that 
he was glad to find they had hearkened to his 
Meffage; that, as they, on their Parts, had 
confirmed the Treaties and Leagues of Amity 
fubfifling between them and this Government, 
fo he, on his Part, ratified all former Treaties 
and Engagements; and that they might have 
an Opportunity of making thefe mutual De¬ 
clarations at a publick Convention, he defired 
they would meet him at Conrad Weifers , affur- 
ing them that they fhould come and go unmo- 
lefted, &c. but that he defired that nothing 
propofed by him fhould interfere with any In¬ 
vitation they might have received from Sir 
William Johnfon , or the Six Nations; that, as 
a Council was to be held in the Country of 
the Six Nations, and the Indians at Diahogo 
were invited to it, he defired they would give 
their Attendance there, but that they might 
go to either Place as they inclined. 

After this a Ceffation of Hoflilities againfl 
the Northern Indians for 30 Days was pro¬ 
claimed at Philadelphia ; but it happened very 
unfortunately, that, at the fame Time a Ceffa¬ 
tion of Arms was proclaimed in Penfylvania , 
War was declared againfl the fame hidians in 
New-JerJey , and a Company of Men fent 
againfl IVyomen , one of their Towns. The 

News 


( 9 1 ) 

News of this was brought to Bethlehem juft as 
the Meftengers were fetting out from thence; 
they, therefore, waited at Bethlehem till they 
heard that the Party of Men from the Jerfeys 
having been at IVyomen , and burned the Town, 
which had been before deierted, were returned, 
and then they fet forward and met Teedyufcung 
at Diahogo. 

He was then holding a Treaty with the De-Eafton 
puties of the Six Nations, who had now agreed Treaty, 
to acknowledge the Independency of the Dela- Au %’ 
wares , and the Authority of Teedyufcung over phfladel- 
four Nations, viz. the Lenopi and Wanami (two phiaprint- 
Delaware Nations) the Munfeys and the Mohic-^> p- IO > 
cons , but requefted him and his People not to aCt 1 4 * 
of themfelves, but advife with the Six Nations; 
that by uniting their Councils and Strength they 
might the better promote the general Intereft of 
the Indians. They told 'Teedyufcung the Englifh 
and French were fighting for their Lands, and 
defired him to unite with them to defend them. 

At the fame Time they gave him a large Belt 
with feveral Figures wrought in it. “In the 
“ middle was a Square, meaning the Lands of 
“ the Indians , and at the one End the Figure of 
“ a Man indicating the Englifh , and at the other 
“ End another meaning the French', both thefe, 

“ faid they, covet our Lands, but let us join to¬ 
gether to defend our Lands againft both, and 
“ you fhall be Partakers with us of our Lands.” 

The Propofal was too advantagious not to be 
accepted. Teedyufcung therefore immediately 
agreed to it, and, in Conjunction with the Six 
Nations, concerted a Plan for bringing about a 
Peace with the Englifh , and for fecuring their 
Lands. As it had been before agreed upon at 
Otfaningo to meet Sir William Johnfon , Teedyuf¬ 
cung difpatched Nutimus , who had formerly been 


Sir Will. 
Johnfon’s 
Treaty 
with the 
Shawanefe 
and Dela¬ 
ware Indi¬ 
ans, 1756. 


( 9 2 ) 

a Kingof one of the Delaware Tribes, with fome 
of his People, to meet Sir William , and gave 
them Orders how to acd, while he himfelf pre¬ 
pared to meet the Governor of Penfylvania. 
This he aflumed to himfelf as being the mod 
dangerous and hazardous Enterprize, as he was 
obliged to go into the inhabited Part of the 
Country, and amonga People who could not but 
be much incenfed againft him for the Ravages 
that had been committed by his People. Nor 
was this only the mod hazardous; it likewife 
required the greateft Addrefs, as with that Go¬ 
vernment the Affairs of the greateft Importance 
were to be tranfaded. The Six Nations im- 
powered him to ad for them as a Plenipoten¬ 
tiary, promifing to ratify whatever he fhould do. 

On the fecond of July the Delaware Embaffy, 
who were joined by Packfinofa the old Shawanefe 
King, met Sir William Johnfon at Onondago , and 
from thence proceeded to Fort Johnfon , where, 
on the 10th of the fame Month, a Treaty was 
held. At this Sir William Johnfon painted the 
Murders and Devaftations they had committed 
in ftrong Colours, reproached them for their 
Condud, and, after imputing it to the Artifices 
of the French , told them, “that by Virtue of a 
“ Power received from his Majefty, if they were 
“ fincerely difpofed to continue his Majefty’s 
“ dutiful Children, and to maintain their Fi- 
“ delity towards him, and unbroken Peace and 
“ Friendfhip towards all his Subjeds, and their 
“ Brethren the Englijh in thefe Parts, and would 
“ exert their unfeigned Zeal and befh Endeav- 
“ ours to reclaim thofe of their People who had 
“ been deluded by the French , upon thefe Con- 
“ditions he was ready to renew the Covenant 
“ Chain of Peace and Friendfhip.” To this 
the Delaware Chief calmly replied, that “he 

“ had 


( 93 ) 

£< had carefully attended to what was faid, that 
cc it was pleafing to him, but he could not take 
“ upon him to give a determinate Anfwer, that 
tc he would pu&tually deliver the Speech to all 
“ his Nation on his Return home, and that 
£C their fixed Refolutions and pofitive Anfwer 
“ fhould be returned as foon as poffible.” 

Upon receiving this Anfwer, Sir William 
fummoned a Council of the Indians of the Six 
Nations who attended the Treaty, and informed 
them of the Reply he intended to make, and 
faid he expelled they would fecond him therein. 
They told him, they would fpeak to the Dela¬ 
wares, and prepare them for what he intended 
to fay, and at the fame Time prefs them to de¬ 
clare their real intentions. 

The next Day Sir William , addreffing the 
Delaware Chief, let him know, “that what he 
had anfwered yefterday was fomewhat furpriz- 
ing, as his Nation had - been the Aggreffors, 
and the Englijh the injured Party; that the pre- 
fent State of Affairs between the Englijh and 
his People required a fpeedy and determinate 
Iffue; that he had received Accounts that Hof- 
tilities were ftill continued by fome of the De¬ 
laware.s, and that therefore it was requifite that 
he fhould, without Delay, explain himfelf in 
behalf of his Nation, in fuch an explicit and 
fatisfa&ory Manner, that his Majefty’s injured 
Provinces might know what Part was proper 
for them to a6t, and that he might depend upon 
it, they would not continue tamely to bear the 
bloody Injuries which they had for fome Time 
pafl fuffered.” 

U pon this, the Delaware Chief made Anfwer, 
that his People had already ceafed from Hof- 
tilities, that they would follow the Example of 
the Six Nations, that they would take hold of 

the 


Sir Wil¬ 
liam’s 
Treaty 
with the 
Shawe- 


( 94 ) 

the Covenant Chain that bound together the 
Englifh and Six Nations, that they renounced 
the Friendfhip of the French, and as Sir Wil¬ 
liam Johnfon had ufed the Mobiccons well, he 
promifed to deliver up what Englijh Prifoners 
were among his People.’ After this, Sir Wil¬ 
liam having expreffed his Satisfaction at what 
was faid, offered them the Hatchet againft the 
French , which they accepted, and immediately 
fung the War Song and danced; and upon 
their Return, as the Shawanefe King afterwards 
told Sir William Johnfon , they informed Eeedy- 
ufoung of what was done. 

While thefe things were doing, Feedyufocung 
having taken the * molt proper Meafures to 
nefe, &c. fecure himfelf from Danger, and to be revenged, 
Ap. 1 759 > if any Injury was offered him, fet out with the 
Meffengers, to meet with the Governor of Pen- 
Jylvania. On the i8th of July, he arrived at 
♦ Bethlehem , where he flopped, and fent fome of 
his People with Captain Newcaftle to Philadel¬ 
phia, to inform the Governor of his Arrival, 
and to let him know, he fhould be glad to meet 
him in the Forks, and that he came empowered 
to fpeak not only in Behalf of his own People, 
but alfo of the Six United Nations. 

Minutes Captain Newcajlle having arrived with this 
of Council Meffage, preffed the Governor to lofe no Time, 
delivered <c I have, faid he, been entrufted by you, with 
to the Al- “ Matters of the higheft Concern; I now de- 
lembh. <c c j are to y OUj t } lat j J lave u f e d all the Abilities 
cc I am Mailer of, in the Management of them, 
“ and that with the greatell Chearfulnefs. I 
cc tell you in general, Matters look well. I fhall 

* He left Parties of his Warriors between the Settle¬ 
ments of Penfilvania and Wyomeri , encamped at fuch Dif- 
tance from each other, that in Cafe of his receiving any 
Injury, they might foon know and revenge it. 

<c not 


( 95 ) 


<c not go into Particulars. Teedyufcung will do 
<c this at a public Meeting, which he experts 
“will be foon. The Times are dangerous, the 
“ Sword is drawn and glittering, all around you, 
“ Numbers of Indians on your Borders; I be- 
“ feech you, therefore, not to give any Delay, 
“ to this important Affair. Say where the 
“ Council Fire is to be kindled. Come to a 
“ Conclufion immediately; let us not wait a 
“ Moment, left what has been done, fhould 
“ prove ineffectual.” The folemn manner in 
which this was delivered, affected the Governor, 
not lefs than the Speech itfelf. Accordingly, by 
Capt. Newcajlle s Advice, Eajlon was fixed upon 
for the place of Meeting, where the Governor, 
and four of his Council, three Commifiioners 
from the Aftembly, and about forty Citizens 
of the City of Philadelphia , chiefly of the People 
called Ouakers, met the Indians , on the 28th 


of July. 

At the firft Meeting, the Governor gave Eafton 
Teedyujcung , and his People, a hearty Welcome, Treaty in 
and Teedyujcung informed him, that he cameJ u h a | ld 
authorized to fpeak in Behalf of Ten Nations, 
as an Embaftador from the Six Nations, and 
as a Chief or Head of the other Four; that he 
was now only to hear what the Governor had 
to fay, and make a Report of it to the Ten 
united Nations. 

Hereupon, the Governor, the Day follow¬ 
ing, informed the Indians of the Steps he had 
taken, after the Delawares had begun to commit 
Hoftilities, of the Preparations he had made 
to carry the War into their Country, from 
which he was diverted by the Six Nations, who 
informed him, that at their interpofition, the 
Delawares had laid down the Hatchet; after 
this, he informed them of the feveral Meflages 

he 


( 9 6 ) 

he had fent by Captain Newcaftle , and the other 
Indian MefTengers, and of the Anfwers he had 
received, and allured them, that Captain New¬ 
caftle a<5ted by his Authority. He let them 
know, that he, and the People, were well dif- 
pofed to renew the antient Friendfhip, that 
fubfifted between William Penn and the Indians , 
and defired this might be told to the Six Na¬ 
tions, and all the Indians far and near, whom 
he invited to come and meet him at the Coun¬ 
cil Fire, but infilled, that as an Evidence of 
their Sincerity, and the only Terms on which 
they might expedt a true and lading Peace, 
they lhould bring down the Prifoners. 

When the Governor had ended his Speech, 
Teedyujcung took out the Belt he had received 
from the Six Nations, explained it to the Go¬ 
vernor, and told him, that Belt held together 
Ten Nations, who were under the Direction of 
two Chiefs only, that thefe had their Attention 
fixed to fee, who were really difpofed for Peace; 
that whoever was willing to guarantee thefe 
Lands to the Indians , him they would join; 
but whoever would not comply with thefe 
Terms of Peace, the Ten Nations would join 
againfl him and Itrike him. “Whoever, fays 
“ he, will make Peace, let him lay hold of this 
“ Belt, and the Nations around, fhall fee and 
“ know it.—I wifh the fame good Spirit, that 
“ pofTeffed the good old William Penn , may in- 
“ fpire the People of this Province, at this 
“ Time.” The Governor accepted the Belt, 
and declared, he was mofl heartily difpofed to 
effed: the Meaning of it; and in return gave 
Peedyufcung another, and defired him to fhew it 
every where, and to make known the good Dif- 
pofitions of the People of this Government, 
and the Treatment he had met with, to his 


own 


( 97 ) 

own People, the Six Nations, and all his Al¬ 
lies. And having before requefted Teedyufcung 
to be an Agent for the Province among the 
Indians , he took out two Belts joined together, 
and addrefiing Newcaftle and Teedyufcung , de¬ 
clared them Agents for the Province, and gave 
them Authority to do the public Bufinefs to¬ 
gether. He recommended to them mutual 
Confidence, Efteem and Intimacy, and wifhed 
them Succefs in their Negotiations. They un¬ 
dertook the Charge, promifed to be mutual 
good Friends, and do every Thing in their 
Power to promote the weighty Matters en- 
trufted to them. 

After the Treaty Teedyufcung returned to his 
Country, and Captain Newcaftle to Philadel¬ 
phia^ from whence he was foon after difpatched 
by the Governor, by the Way of Albany , to the 
Six Nations. And, not long after, returning 
from thence, he was feized with the Small-Pox, 
and died at Philadelphia much lamented. In 
the mean Time Teedyufcung fent Meffengers to 
the feveral Tribes of Indians under his Jurifdic- 
tion, and to the Six Nations, to inform them 
of the Reception he had met with, and to in¬ 
vite them to another Meeting. Juft as he 
was ready to fet out he received a Mefiage from 
Fort Johnfon , advifing him againft going to 
Penfylvania. But as Teedyufcung paid no Regard 
to the firft Mefiage, another was fent, defiring 
the Indians not to go to Penfylvania , for that 
Letters were come from Philadelphia , informing 
that a Plot was laid to cut them off as foon as 
any confiderable Number could be got together. 
This overtook Teedyufcung on his March, and 
being delivered in publick, had fuch an Effed 
upon many that were with him, that they im¬ 
mediately turned back. Teedyufcung neither 

altogether 


N 


( 9 8 ) 

altogether gave Credit to the Meffage, nor yet 
quite difbelieved it, fo that while he determined 
to proceed, he refolved to take what Steps were 
neceffary to guard againft the word. Therefore 
fending back the greateft Part of the Women 
and Children, he came down with his own and 
a few other Families, having left fome of his 
ableft Captains and braveft Warriors at proper 
Places on the Frontiers, to wait for Accounts 
how he was received, and to ad: accordingly. 
Some Time before Leedyujcung came down, 
Lord Loudon had wrote to the Governor, and 
forbade him, or his Government, to confer or 
treat with the Indians in any Shape, or on any 
Account, whatever; and direded that whatever 
Bufinefs in that Branch of his Majefty’s Ser¬ 
vice fhould arife in his Government, or Pro¬ 
vince, fhould be referred to Sir William John- 
Jon , whom his Majefty had appointed foie 
Agent for thefe Affairs under his Lordfhip’s 
Diredion. When, therefore, the Governor 
received the News of Leedyujcung s Arrival, he 
was greatly at a Lofs what to do, and applied 
for Advice to the Affembly, who were then 
fitting. The Affembly gave it as their Opinion, 
that the Treaty begun by the late Governor, 
before Sir William Johnfon s Powers were made 
known, in purfuance of which the Indians were 
come down, fhould not be wholly difcontinued, 
left the Indians fhould be difgufted, and the 
Opportunity of bringing them to a general 
Peace with all the Britifh Colonies loft. “We 
“rather think it advifeable that your Honour 
“would give them an Interview, make them 
“ the cuftomary Prefents in behalf of this 
“ Government, to relieve their Neceffities, and 
“affure them of our fincere Inclinations to 
“take them again into Friendfhip, forgive 

“ their 


( 99 ) 

“their Offences, and make a firm Peace with 
“them; but at the fame Time to let them 
“ know, that the Government of this Province 
“cannot agree to make a Peace with them for 
“ itfelf, and leave them at Liberty to continue 
“the War with our Brethren of the neighbour¬ 
ing Colonies; that our King has appointed 
“ Sir William Johnfon to manage thefe general 
“ 1 reaties for all the Governments in this 
“ Part of America , and to him we muff there- 
“ fore refer the Indians for a final Conclufion 
“and Ratification of this Treaty. An Inter- 
“ view of this Kind with the Indians , we appre- Votes of 
“ hend, may at this Time be greatly for hisj^AAeir 
“ Majefty’s Service, and not inconfiftent with 17^6% 
“ the Intention of Lord Loudon s Letter.” 24 

Leedyufcung having, about the latter End of 
October , arrived with a Number of Delawares , 
Shawaneje and Mo hie cons, and fome Deputies 
from the Six Nations, the Governor, with his 
Secretary, and one of his Council, four Com- 
miflioners appointed by the Affembly, and a 
Number of Citizens of the City of Philadel¬ 
phia , chiefly of the People called Quakers, met 
him at Eajlon on the 8th of November. After 
feveral Days had been fpent to little Purpofe, 
it was propofed to afk the Indians the Caufe of 
their Uneafinefs, to which the Governor having 
agreed, the following Paragraph was added to 
the Speech he had already prepared. 

“ Brother Leedyujcung , what I am now going Eafton 
“to fay fhould have been mentioned fome^ 1 ^ 3 ^ 
“Time ago: I now defire your ftricft Attention 
“to it. You was pleafed to tell me the other 2 o. 

“ Day that the League of Friendfhip, made 
“by your Forefathers, was yet frefh in your 
“ Memory; you faid that it was made fo ftrong 
“ that a fmall Thing could not eafily break it. 

“As 


( 100 ) 

“ As we are now met together at a Council 
tc Fire kindled by both of us, and have pro- 
“ mifed on both Sides to be free and open to 
“ one another, I muft alk you how that League 
“ of Friendfhip came to be broken? Have we 
“the Governor or People of Penfylvania done 
“you any Kind of Injury? If you think we 
“have, you fhould be honeft, and tell us your 
“ Hearts: You fhould have made Complaints 
“ before you ftruck us, for fo it was agreed in 
“our antient League. However, now the 
“ great Spirit has thus happily brought us once 
“ more together, fpeak your Mind plainly on 
“this Head, and tell us, if you have any juft 
“ Caufe of Complaint, what it is. That I may 
“ obtain a full Anfwer to this Point, I give 
“you this Belt of Wampum.” 

In anfwer to this, I'eedyufcung aftigned three 
Caufes; firft, the imprudent Conduct of Charles 
Broadhead , which has been already mentioned. 
Secondly, the Inftigations of the French. And, 
laftly, (which made the Blow fall the harder) 
the Grievances he and his People buffered from 
this Government and the JerJeys. 

The Governor calling upon him to explain 
what thefe Grievances were, 

“I have not, fays he, far to go for an In- 
“ftance; this Ground that is under me, (ftamp- 
“ing with his Foot) is mine, and has been 
“ taken from me by Fraud and Forgery.” The 
Governor afked him what he meant by Fraud 
and Forgery. To which he replied, “When 
“one Man had formerly Liberty to purchafe 
“ Lands, and he took a Deed from the Indians 
“ for it, and then dies, if, after his Death, his 
“ Children forge a Deed like the true One, 
“with the fa mo, Indians Names to it, and there- 
“ by take Lands from the Indians which they 

“ never 


( 101 ) 

“never fold: This is Fraud. Alfo when one 
££ King has Lands beyond the River, and an- 
<£ other has Lands on this Side, both bounded 
££ by Rivers, Creeks and Springs, which cannot 
“be moved, and the Proprietaries, greedy to 
“purchafe Lands, buy of one King what be¬ 
longs to the other: This likewife is Fraud.” 

“ Have you, faid the Governor, been ferved 
“fo? Yes, replied Peedyufcung , I have been 
“ferved fo in this Province. All the Land 
“ extending from Pohiccon over the great Moun- 
“ tain as far as JVyomen is mine, of which fome 
“ has been taken from me by Fraud. For when I 
££ agreed to fell the Land to the old Proprietary 
££ by the Courfeof the River, the young Proprie- 
££ taries came and got it run by a ftraight Courfe 
££ by the Compafs, and by that Means took in 
££ double the Quantity intended to be fold.” 

It may be deemed foreign to the Purpofe to 
mention the Oppolition that was made by Secre¬ 
tary Peters and C. Weifer to the alking the In¬ 
dians the Caufe of their Uneaftnefs, and how 
the Secretary threw down his Pen, and declared 
he would take no Minutes when the King came 
to complain of the Proprietaries. Thefe 
Things, therefore, being palled over, we lhall 
only obferve, that, after fome Debate, it was 
agreed upon, at the Inftance of the Commif- 
fioners, to offer the Indians immediate Satisfac¬ 
tion for the Injury they fuppofed had been 
done them, whether their Claim was juft or 
not. This being done, Peedyujcung let the 
Governor know, that the main Defign of his 
prefent Coming was to re-eftablifh Peace, after 
which he had intended at another Meeting to 
lay open his Grievances; that he had done that 
now only at the Requeft of the Governor, but 
was not impowered to receive any Satisfa&ion 

at 


' 757 ' 


( 102 ) 

at this Time; that feveral were abfent who were 
concerned in thefe Lands; that he would en¬ 
deavour to bring thefe down at the next Meet¬ 
ing, and that then the Matter might be further 
confidered and finally fettled. 

A few Weeks after this Treaty arrived in 
Philadelphia Mr. George Croghan , whom Sir 
William Johnfon had appointed his Deputy- 
Votes of Agent of Indian Affairs, and by Instructions, 
the Afiem- dated November 24th, 1756, had ordered “to 
bly, Jan. proceed to Philadelphia , or to any Part of the 
Province of Penfylvania , and endeavour to find 
out the Difpofition of the Indians in thofe 
Parts, and convince them that it is their In¬ 
terest to continue Friends to the Englijh and 
Six Nations; to enquire into the Caufe of the 
Delaware and Shawaneje Behaviour to the En¬ 
glijh in thofe Parts, and aflure them, if they 
would come and let Sir William Johnfon know 
wherein they were injured, he would endeavour 
to have JuStice done them, fo that that unhappy 
Difference might be fettled.” 

Of this Mr. Croghan , foon after his Arrival, 
informed the Governor, and at the fame Time 
gave it as his Opinion, considering what had 
paffed at the laSt Treaty, that this Government 
could not avoid giving the Indians a Meeting 
A (Terribly, to fettle the Differences that fubfifted between 
them. He farther affured the Governor, he 
would do every Thing in his Power to fettle 
thefe Differences in an amicable Manner, and 
in the mean Time would let Sir William John- 
Jon know that the Indians were to meet here, 
and expeCled to receive his farther InffruCtions 
on that Head; and as he thought it neceffary 
the Meeting fhould be held foon, he propofed 
fending Meffengers to Eeedyufcung , and the SuJ- 
quehannah Indians , as foon as polfible. 

Accordingly 


G. Cro- 
ghan’s 
Letter to 
the Go¬ 
vernor. 
Votes of 


( io 3 ) 

Accordingly Meffengers were Tent with two 
Meffages; one to the Shawaneje , Nanticokes, 
and Six Nations, living at Otfaningo and Dia- 
hogo , and the other to Eeedyufcung ; which are 
as follows: 


George Croghan to the Chiefs of the Shawanefe, 
Nanticokes, and Six Nations. 

“ Brethren of the Shawanefe , Nanticokes , and 
“ Six Nations, living at Otfaningo and Diahogo! 
“ I am come hereabout a Month ago from Sir 
“ William Johnfon , who is charged with the Care 
“ of all the Indians in this Part of America , by 
“the great King of England , your Father and 
“his Maher. On my Arrival here, your Bro- 
“ ther Onas fhewed me a Copy of the Confer- 
“ ences he had with you at EaJlon\ where I find 
“you have agreed to have another Meeting in 
“ the Spring in order to finally fettle all Differ- 
“ ences fubfifting between you and your Breth- 
“ ren the Englijh , and to brighten the antient 
“ Chain of Friendfhip which has lately con- 
“ trailed fome Ruft. And as your Brother 
“ Sir Williayn Johnfon fent me here to enquire 
“ into the Caufes of the Differences fubfifting 
“ between you and your Brethren the Englijh 
“ in thefe Parts, I promife you in his Name, 
“that I will do every Thing in my Power to 
“ fettle thefe Differences between you, and fee 
“ full Satisfaction made you for any Injuftice 
“ you have received; and that this Meeting 
“may be the more general, and for the better 
“ fettling all Differences, I call a few of your 
“ chief Men to meet me at John Harris's , to 
“ confult on Meafures for bringing to this 
“ general Meeting fome of the Chiefs of our 

“ Brethren 


( 104 ) 

“ Brethren from Ohio , in order once more to 
<c brighten the antient Chain of Friendfhip. In 
“confirmation of which I fend you this Belt 
“of Wampum in the Name of Sir William 
“ Johnfon , your Brother Onas , and the Defcend- 
“ ants of the firfi: Settlers who came over with 
“ your antient Brother William Penn , with 
“whom you began this good Work at Eajlon 
“ this Fall paft.” 

Phe other Mejfage follows in theje Words: 

George Croghan to the Delawares at Diahogo, 
and all the Branches of Sufquehannah. 

“ Brother Peedyufcung , when I came here from 
“ Sir William Johnfon , your Brother Onas told 
“me, you had promifed him another Meeting 
“ in the Spring, in order to fettle all the Dif¬ 
ferences fubfifting between you and your 
“ Brethren the Englifh ; and as your Brother 
“ Sir William Johnfon has ordered me to aftift 
“at thefe Meetings, and help to fee Matters 
“ reconciled and Juftice done you, I defire you 
“ by this Belt of Wampum in the Name of Sir 
“ William Johnfon , your Brother Onas , and the 
“ Defendants of the firfi: Settlers who came 
“ over with your antient Brother William Penn , 
“ to ufe your utmoft Endeavours to bring down 
“ all your People, and as many of your Uncles 
“the Six Nations that live among you, as will 
“be necefiary to accomplifh this good Work 
“you began; and I promife you in the Name 
“ of Sir William Johnfon , whom the great King 
“ of England , your Father and his Mafter, has 
“ ordered to take Care of all the Indians in this 
“ Part of America , that I will fee Juftice done 

< t >> 

you. 


When 


( io 5 ) 

When the above Meffage was delivered to 
the Indians at Diahogo, the Indian Council im- re °^! e g 
mediately difpatched two Men to the Ohio, to with the 
inform the Delawares and Shawaneje living there Indians 
of this Meeting, and to delire fome of them to at j^ arr * s 
come to it; but if none of them Ihould chufe ™ ller> an “ 
to come, thefe Meffengers were then to infill 1757*p. 
that none of the Delawares and Shawaneje living 1. 
on the Ohio fhould come to War againfl the 
Englijh , till this Meeting was over, and they 
have dhme after returning home to let them 
know how it ended. 

About the Time Mr. Croghan difpatched p 
the Meffengers up Sujquehannah , he fent three * c 
others to the Indians on Ohio , inviting them to 
the Conference. Thefe, upon their Arrival at 
Venango , one of the chief Towns on Ohio, called 
a Meeting of the Indians , and delivered their 
Meffage, with which the Delawares prefent 
feemed well pleafed, and faid they would go 
down, but mufl firft go and confult their Un¬ 
cles the Senecas , who lived further up the River. 

The next Day they went and confulted the 
Senecas , who having heard the MefTages, dif- 
fuaded the Delawares from going, becaufe the 
Belts (or Meffages) fent were not proper on 
the Occafion; they faid, they knew George Cro¬ 
ghan, and would be well enough pleafed to fee 
him, and if he would fend them proper Belts 
made out of old Council-Wampum (i. e. a 
Meffage from the Government and People, 
who were their old Friends, and with whom 
they had formerly treated) both they and the 
Delawares would go down and fee him. The 
Meffengers, upon their Return, called at Dia¬ 
hogo and informed r Ieedyufcung of the Meffage 
they carried to Ohio, and the Anfwer they 
brought back. Hereupon Heedyufcung fent to 
o let 


( i°6 ) 

let the Governor and Mr. Croghan know, that 
neither the Belts Tent, nor the Perfons that 
carried them, were proper on the Occafion; 
that, if they wanted to have a Meeting with 
the Indians , they fhould fend wife Men, not 
young Warriors, to invite them down. 

Befides the foregoing Meffages the Governor 
and Mr. Croghan wrote to Sir William JohnJon 
to fend down a Number of the Six Nations to 
affift at the propofed Meeting. Thefe came 
down firft, in Number about one Hundred 
and fixty Men, Women and Children. On 
the 29th of March , 1757, Mr. Croghan met 
them at Harris's on Sufquehannah , about 90 
Miles from Philadelphia , and was informed by 
them, that Peedyujcung was gone into the Senecas 
Country to get a Number of Senecas to come 
down with him; that he would be down as foon 
as poffible with 200 Indians , but whether he 
would come to Eafton or John Harris's they 
could not tell. 

From Harris's they were perfuaded to come 
to Lancajler , where having waited till the 26th 
of April , and the Small-Pox breaking out among 
them, and finding Peedyufcung did not come, they 
fent Meffengers to Philadelphia to invite the 
Governor to come and meet them, as they 
wanted to go home again. On the 9th of May 
the Governor arrived at Lancajler , and on the 
12th had a Meeting with the Indians , at which 
he informed them of what had palled between 
him and the Delawares , and defired they would 
advife him what Meafures they thought would 
be moll likely to bring about a Peace with 
thefe Indians. In anfwer to this the Six Nation 
Chief told the Governor, “ it gave them great 
<c Satisfadion to hear that he had been fo for- 
“ tunate as to find out the true Caufes from 

“ whence 


( 107 ) 

c< whence the Differences arofe between the En- 
“glijh and the Delawares and Shawaneje , for 
4 c that they and Sir JV. Johnfon had taken a 
£C great deal of Pains to find it out without 
“ Succefs.” After this he informs the Gover¬ 
nor of the Meeting the Six Nation Deputies 
had with the Delawares at Otjaningo , and how 
the Delawares had thrown off their Depend- 
ance, and declared they would no longer ac¬ 
knowledge any but the Senecas as their Uncles 

O v 

and Superiors. ££ Now, Brother, fays he, our 
££ Advice to you is, that you fend proper Mef- 
“ fengers immediately to the Senecas to invite 
££ them with the Delawares and Shawaneje to a 
££ Meeting with you here, and when they come, 
££ be very careful in your Proceedings with 
££ them, and do not be rafh, and it will be in 
<£ your Power to fettle all the Differences fub- 
<c lifting between you and them.” 

In anfwer to this the Governor thanked the 
Indians for informing him of the clofe Connec¬ 
tion between the Delawares and Senecas , ac¬ 
knowledged their Advice was good and whole- 
fome, and in purfuance of it, he faid, he would 
fend to Deedyujcung to come down, and leave it 
entirely to his Choice to bring with him fuch, 
and fo many, of his Uncles and others his 
Friends as he thinks proper. 

After this George Croghan having informed 
the Indians , that he was appointed and ordered 
by Sir William Johnfon to enquire into, and 
hear, the Complaints of the Indians , and, if 
juftly grounded, to ufe his Endeavours to get 
them redreffed, infilled upon it that thofe pre- 
fent fhould open their Hearts to him without 
Referve, and inform him of every Thing they 
knew concerning Frauds complained of by 
Deedyujcung , or any other Injuries or Injustice 

done 


( '08 ) 

done to them, or any of the Tribes of the Six 
Nations or other Indians in Alliance with his 
Majefty King George in this or the neighbour¬ 
ing Colonies, that he might be enabled to re- 
prefent the true State of their Grievances to 
his Majefty. He farther defired them to re¬ 
commend it to the Delawares and Shawaneje to 
come down and give the Governor a Meeting; 
to make their Complaints appear and have 
them adjufted, elfe he would take it for granted 
they had no juft Caufe of Complaint. Here¬ 
upon the Six Nation Speaker aftigned four 
Caufes which gave Rife to the prefent Quarrel 
between the Englijh and the Delawares and 
Shawaneje ; firft, the death of the Delaware 
Chief ( Weekweley ) who, for accidentally killing 
a Man, was hanged in the Jer/eys. Secondly, 
the Imprifonment of fome Shawaneje Warriors 
in Carolina , where the Chief Man of the Party 
died. Thirdly the difpoftefting the Indians of 
their Land. And, laftly, the Instigations of 
the French. On the two laft Heads he faid, 
“We muft now inform you, that in former 
“Times our Forefathers conquered the Dela- 
“ wares, and put Petticoats on them: A long 
“ Time after that, they lived among you our 
“ Brothers; but, upon fome Difference between 
“ you and them, we thought proper to remove 
“ them, giving them Lands to plant and hunt 
“ on at IVyomen and Juniata on Sujquehannah :— 
“ But you, covetous of Land, made Planta¬ 
tions there, and fpoiled their Hunting- 
“ Grounds: They then complained to us, and 
“ we looked over thofe Lands, and found their 
“Complaints to be true. At this Time they 
“ carried on a Correfpondence with the French , 
“ by which Means the French became acquaint- 
“ ed with all the Caufes of Complaint they had 

“ againft 


( io 9 ) 

<c againft you, and as your People were daily 
u increafing their Settlements, by this Means 
cc you drove them back into the Arms of the 
“ French., and they took the Advantage of 
fpiriting them up againft you, by telling 
<£ them, Children you lee, and we have often 
<c told you, how the Englijh your Brethren 
“would ferve you, they plant all the Country, 
C£ and drive you back, fo that in a little Time 
££ you will have no Land. It is not fo with 
££ us; tho’ we build Trading-Houfes on your 
££ Land we do not plant it; we have our Pro- 
“vifions from over the great Water.” We 
££ have opened our Hearts to you, and told 
££ you what Complaints we have heard that 
££ they had againft you, and our Advice to 
££ you is, that you fend for the Senecas and 
££ them, treat them kindly, and rather give 
££ them fome Part of their Fields back again 
££ than differ with them: It is in your Power 
££ to fettle all Differences with them if you 
£C pleafe. As to what paffed between you and 
££ Deedyufcung lafh Fall, refpeCting the Purchafe 
££ of Lands, we know nothing of it. They are 
££ not here, and if we enquire we can only hear 
££ what you fay on that Head. We fhould 
C£ have been glad the Delawares and Shawaneje 
££ had been here at this Time, that we might 
£C have heard the Complaints on both Sides; 
££ then we fhould have been able to judge who 
££ were in the Fault, and we are determined to 
££ fee Juftice done to the Party aggrieved. You 
££ fay, if you have done th z Indians any Injuftice 
££ you are willing to make them Satisfaction. 
<£ We are glad to hear it; and as you have 
££ Writings to refrefh your Memories about 
££ every TranfaCtion that has happened between 
££ you and the Delawares and Shawaneje , we 

£ ‘ recommend 


( 110 ) 

cc recommend it heartily to you to do them 
cc Juftice.” 

As the Six Nations had To warmly preffed 
the fending for the Senecas , the Governor pro- 
mifed it fhould be done, and accordingly fent 
a Meffage to T 'eedyufcung , to inform him of the 
Advice the Six Nations had given, in confe- 
quence of which he dehred him to come down 
as foon as it would fuit his Convenience, and 
to bring with him the Senecas , or fuch of them 
as would be agreeable to him, to open his 
Heart to his Brethren, and he promifed him 
if it fhould appear that he had been defrauded 
of his Lands, or received any other Injuries 
from this Province, he fhould receive Satisfac¬ 
tion. This was fent by a fpecial Meffenger 
from Lancafter to Eeedyufcung , who, upon re¬ 
ceiving this, hafted to Eafton , the Place of 
Meeting, where he arrived about the Middle 
of July , having brought with him a few prin¬ 
cipal Men of the Senecas as well as from the 
Reft of the Six Nations. Thefe with his own 
People made in all about 300 Men, Women 
and Children. The Governor, with fix of his 
Council, the Speaker of the Houfe of Affem- 
bly, four of the Provincial Commiflioners, and 
one or two other Members of AfTembly, with 
a Number of Citizens of Philadelphia , and other 
Inhabitants of the Province, attended this 
Treaty. Before the public Buhnefs begun, 
Eeedyuftcung applied to the Governor to allow 
him the Liberty of appointing a Perfon to take 
down the Minutes of the Treaty for him with 
the Secretary appointed by the Governor. He 
had feen the Secretary of the Province, at the 
lafb Eafton Treaty, throw down his Pen, and 
declare he would not take Minutes when Com¬ 
plaints were made againft the Proprietors. He 

did 


( III ) 

did not know but the fame Thing might hap¬ 
pen again, as the fame Complaints would be 
repeated. Befides, the Bufinefs to be tranfaded 
was o t the utmoft Importance, and required to 
be exadly minuted, which he thought might be 
belt done by the Method he propofed. The 
Governor then prefented George Croghan to ’Tee- 
dyufcung , and the Day following told him, that 
Sir William Johnfon “had constituted and ap¬ 
pointed Mr. Croghan his Deputy-Agent for In¬ 
dian Affairs in this Province, with particular 
Directions to hear any Complaints, and affift 
in accommodating the Differences the Indians 
might have with his Majefty’s Subjects, and 
particularly thofe fet forth at the Treaty in 
November laft. As to the Matter of a Secre¬ 
tary, he let Teedyufcung know, that, by a par¬ 
ticular Agreement between him and Mr. Cro¬ 
ghan at the laft Treaty at Lancafter , no one was 
to take Minutes of the Proceedings but the 
Secretary appointed by Mr. Croghan ; that he 
had been farther told, it was the conftant Prac¬ 
tice of Sir William Johnfon , as well as all others 
who have the Condud of Indian Affairs, to 
employ their own Secretaries.” “And as this 
“ Method, continues he, was fettled at Lancaf- 
“ ter as a Precedent to be obferved in future 
“Treaties, I fhall not take upon me to make 
“any Alteration in this Refped.” 

Teedyufcung , looking upon this as a Denial, 
was much diffatisfied. The Refufal of a De¬ 
mand fo juft and reafonable, and which he had 
made only for the Sake of Truth and Regu¬ 
larity, awakened his Sufpicion, and induced 
him to believe that there was a Defign to lead 
him on blindfold, and in the Dark, or to take 
Advantage of his Ignorance. Wherefore, con- 
fidering the Demand, he made no longer as a 

Matter 


( 112 ) 

Matter of Favour, but what he had a Right 
to, and not only as reafonable but abfolutely 
neceffary to come at the Truth; and, as it had 
been a Thing agreed upon in his Council at 
home, he refolved once more to infill on its 
being granted, and if the Governor perfifled in 
refuting it to him, he determined not to treat, 
but to break up and go home. This being 
made known to the Governor, he told Teedyuf- 
cung , that as no Indian Chief before him ever 
demanded to have a Clerk, and none had ever 
been appointed for Indians in former Treaties, 
nay, as he had not even nominated one on the 
Part of the Province, he could not help de¬ 
claring it againfl his Judgment. cc However, 
“ to give you a frefh Proof of my Friendfhip 
“ and Regard, if you infill upon having a Clerk, 
“ I fhall no longer oppofe it.” 

Four Days being fpent in this Debate, the 
public Treaty began next Day, Eeedyujcung hav¬ 
ing firfl nominated a Perfon to take Minutes 
of the Proceedings for him. The Perfon he 
nominated was one Charles Ehomfon, who had, 
at the particular Requefl of Mr. Peters , taken 
Minutes at the lafl Eaftom Treaty, and of whom, 
it is likely, the Indians had conceived a good 
Opinion from the clofe Attention he gave to 
the Bufinefs when the Secretary of the Province 
feemed confufed and threw down his Pen. 

The Governor opened the Conference in 
public, by informing Eeedyufcung , that he was 
glad to meet him once more with his People 
and fome of the Six Nations according to the 
Agreement in November lafl: He put him in 
Mind of the Queflion that was afked him re¬ 
lating to the Caufe of the Breach between the 
Englijh and Delawares , and of the Anfwer he 
gave. He let him know that he had laid the 

Proceedings 


( 1l 3 ) 

Proceedings of that Treaty before Sir William 
JohnJon (appointed by the King foie Agent for 
Indian Affairs in this Diftrift) and that he had 
deputed Mr. George Croghan to adt in his Be¬ 
half, to attend this Treaty, and enquire into 
every Grievance the Indians may have fuffered, 
either from their Brethren of Penjylvania or the 
neighbouring Provinces. 

After this Mr. Croghan , addreffing the In¬ 
dians > told them, “That he was ordered by Sir 
William JohnJon to attend this Meeting, and to 
hear any Complaints they had to make againft 
their Brother Onas , in refpedl to his defrauding 
them of the Lands mentioned in the laft Eafton 
Treaty, or any other Injuries they had received 
from any of his Majefty’s Subjects. And he 
affured them, in the Name of Sir William 
JohnJon , he would do every Thing in his Power 
to have all Differences amicably adjufted to 
their Satisfaction, agreeable to his Orders and 
Inftrudtions.” 

In anfwer to this, Peedyujcung having affigned 
the fame Caufe of the Difference between him 
and the Englijh , that he had at the laft Treaty 
at Eafton , and referred the Governor and his 
People to their own Hearts and Writings for 
the Truth of what he faid; and having hinted 
at the Injuftice of the Englijh in taking all the 
Lands from the Indians , and leaving them no 
Place for a Residence, he told the Governor, 
that he now put it in his Power to make a laft- 
ing Peace: That he wanted nothing but what 
was reafonable; that this Land was firft given 
to the Indians by that Almighty Power who 
made all Things; “And as, fays he, it has 
“ pleafed Him to convey you to us, and unite 
“ us in Friendfhip in the Manner already men- 
“ tioned, which was well known by our Ancef- 
p “ tors, 


( 1 *4 ) 

“ tors, it is now in your Power, and depends 
“entirely on your Care and Diligence, that it 
“may not be broken, as it has been, and if it 
“be broken it will be owing to you—This I 
“ alk, that I may have fome Place for a Settle- 
“ ment, and other good Purpofes, in which we 
“may both agree; but as I am a free Agent, 
“as well as you, I muft not be bound up, but 
“ have Liberty to fettle where I pleafe.” 

As the Indian King had been for four or five 
Days (viz. from the Day before the publick 
Treaty began, to the Time of his delivering 
this Speech) kept almoft continually drunk, it 
is not to be wondered that feveral Parts of his 
Speech, as it ftands in the Minutes, appear 
dark and confufed, as they did to the Governor; 
more efpecially as the Interpreter, at the Time 
the Speech was delivered, was dozed with Liquor 
and Want of Sleep. 

H owever, after this, being, by the Interpofi- 
tion of his Council, reftrained from Liquor, and 
next Morning, when fober, called upon by Mr. 
Croghan , at the Defire of the Governor, to ex¬ 
plain what he had faid the Day before, and in 
particular whether he continued the Complaints 
he had made laft Fall, about his being defraud¬ 
ed of Lands, and where he intended to fettle, 
he made the following Speech : 

“ The Complaints I made laft Fall I yet con- 
“ tinue. I think fome Lands have been bought 
“ by the Proprietary or his Agents from Indians 
“ who had not a Right to fell, and to whom the 
“ Lands did not belong. I think alfo, when 
“ fome Lands have been fold to the Proprietary 
“ by Indians who had a Right to fell to a certain 
“ Place, whether that Purchafe was to be mea¬ 
sured by Miles or Hours Walk, that the 
“ Proprietaries have, contrary to Agreement 


( 11 5 ) 

c or Bargain, taken in more Lands than they 
c ought to have done, and Lands that belonged 
c to others. I therefore now defire you will 
‘produce the Writings and Deeds by which 
‘ you hold the Lind, and let them be read in 
‘ publick and examined, that it may be fully 
‘ known from what Indians you have bought 
‘ the Lands you hold, and how far your Pur- 
‘ chafes extend, that Copies of the whole may 
‘ be laid before King George , and publifhed to 
‘all the Provinces under his Government. 

‘ What is fairly bought and paid for I make 
‘ no farther Demands about. But if any Lands 
‘ have been bought of Indians , to whom thefe 
‘ Lands did not belong, and who had no Right 
‘ to fell them, I expert a Satisfaction for thefe 
‘ Lands. And if the Proprietaries have taken 
‘ in more Lands than they bought of the true 
‘ Owners, I expect likewife to be paid for that. 

‘ But as the Perfons to whom the Proprietaries 
‘ may have fold thefe Lands, which of Right 
‘ belonged to me, have made fome Settlements, 

‘ I do not want to difturb them, or to force 
c them to leave them, but I expect a full Satis- 
‘ faction fhall be made to the true Owners for 
‘ thefe Lands, tho’ the Proprietaries, as I faid 
‘before, might have bought them from Per- 
‘ fons that had no Right to fell them. As we 
‘ intend to fettle at Wyomen , we want to have 
‘ certain Boundaries fixed between you and us, 
‘and a certain Tract of Land fixed, which it 
‘ fhall not be lawful for us or our Children 
‘ ever to fell, nor for you or any of your 
‘ Children ever to buy. We would have the 
‘ Boundaries fixed all around agreeable to the 
‘ Draught we give you (here he drew a Draught 
‘with Chalk on the Table) that we may not 
‘ be prefied on any Side, but have a certain 

“ Country 


( 1,6 ) 

££ Country fixed for our Ufe and the Ufe of 
££ our Children for ever. And as we intend 
<£ to make a Settlement at IVyomen> and to 
££ build different Houfes from what we have 
££ done heretofore, fuch as may lafl not only 
££ for a little Time, but for our Children after 
££ us; we defire you will affifl us in making our 
££ Settlements, and fend us Perfons to inftrudt 
££ us in building Houfes, and in making fuch 
££ Neceffaries as fhall be needful; and that Per- 
cc fons be fent to inflrubt us in the Chriftian 
££ Religion, which may be for our future Wel- 
££ fare, and to inftrudt our Children in Reading 
££ and Writing; and that a fair Trade be eftab- 
<£ lifhed between us, and fuch Perfons appoint¬ 
ed to condud: and manage thefe Affairs as 
££ fhall be agreeable to us.” 

Notwithftanding the Meffages Mr. Croghan 
and the Governor had fent to T'eedyujcung , the 
Promifes made at Lancaster, and what both 
had faid in the beginning of the prefent Treaty, 
of their Willingnefs and Readinefs to hear the 
Complaints of the Indians , and to redrefs their 
Grievances, yet when the Governor came to 
anfwer this Speech, he told Teedyufcung that 
££ he muff refer him to Sir William Johnfon ; 
that the Orders of his Majefty’s Ministers 
were, that the Indians Complaints fhould be 
heard before Sir William Johnfon only; that 
Mr. Croghan had informed him he had no 
Power to fuffer any Altercations on this Com¬ 
plaint, and that he did not think it would be 
for the Good of his Majefly’s Service, &cC 

££ As to the Lands between Shamokin and 
Wyomen the Proprietaries had never bought 
them of the Indians , and therefore never claimed 
them under any Indian Purchafe; that he was 
pleafed with the Choice they had made of that 

Place, 


( "7 ) 

Place, and would ufe all the Means in his 
Power to have thefe Lands fettled upon him 
and his Posterity agreeable to his Requeft; and 
as to the other Purpofes for which he defired 
this Settlement of Lands, they were fo reafon- 
able, that he made no Doubt, but, on his 
Recommendation of them to the Affembly, 
they would chearfully enable him to comply 
with them.” 

This Speech being delivered, the Indian King 
and his Council immediately withdrew to de¬ 
liberate upon it. The Refult of this Council 
was, that they would not go to Sir William 
Johnfon , and that the Reafons of their Refufal 
might appear in full Strength, they agreed to 
follow the Example of the Governor, and to 
have their Speech written down and examined 
in Council, and then read to the Governor. 
The Manner in which the King had before 
delivered himfelf in publick induced the Coun¬ 
cil to prefs this Meafure now. 

Accordingly, next Morning they again met, 
fent for the Secretary, and had the Speech writ¬ 
ten down and carefullv examined. But when 

¥ 

the King met the Governor at the publick 
Conference, and defired that what was written 
down in Council might be read and accepted 
as his Speech, both the Governor and Mr. 
Croghan joined in oppofing it. After fome 
Debate Teedyufcung, finding they would not 
grant him the Privilege they had taken them- 
lelves, informed them from his Memory, of 
the Subftance of what was agreed upon in 
Council; and after taking Notice of the ln- 
confiftency that appeared to him in the Go¬ 
vernor’s telling him at one Time, that George 
Croghan was Sir William John/on s Deputy, and 
appointed to ad between the Knglijh and Indians , 


( ii8 ) 

and at another, that he had no Power, &c, he 
gave the Governor to underftand that he would 
not go to Sir William Johnfon\ fir ft, becaufe 
he did not know Sir William ; next, becaufe 
there were the Nations who had been instru¬ 
mental to this Mifunderftanding, by the Man¬ 
ner in which they had heretofore treated them, 
and by felling Lands in this Province, and, 
laftly, becaufe the deferring Matters might 
again embroil us in War. He further told 
the Governor, that he then wanted nothing for 
his Lands, but only that the Deeds might be 
produced, and well looked into, and Copies of 
them taken and put with the Minutes of the 
Treaty. This done he offered to confirm a 
Peace immediately: And, as to the Injury he 
imagined he had received in Land Affairs, he 
left that to be decided by the King, and faid 
he would wait his Determination. “ Let 
“ Copies of the Deeds be fent to the King, 
“and let him judge. 1 want nothing of the 
“ Land till the King hath fent Letters back, 
“ and then if any of the Lands be found to 
“ belong to me, I expedt to be paid for it, and 
“ not before.” » 

The Governor, finding that Teedyufcung was 
not to be put off - , refolved in Appearance to 
comply with his Requeft. But as it was agreed 
not to deliver up all the Deeds, and as this 
might give Umbrage to the Indians , Mr. Weifer 
and Mr. Croghan were privately fent to pradiife 
with the King, and to get him to be content 
with the Delivery of a Part, alledging that the 
whole of the Deeds was not brought up, but 
fuch only as were neceftary, and relating to his 
Complaint and the late Purchafes. Part of 
two Days being fpent in thefe Pradlices, and 
the Indians in the mean Time plied with 

Liquor, 


( 1 *9 ) 

Liquor, the Governor met the Indians , and 
having aftigned Tome late Orders from the 
King’s Ministers as the Caufe of his referring 
Teedyujcung to Sir William Joknfon , he told him, 
that as he fo earneftly defired to fee the Deeds 
for the Lands, mentioned in the laft Treaty, 
he had brought them with him, and would 
give Teedyujcung Copies of them agreeable to 
his Requeft. Hereupon fome Deeds being 
laid upon the Table, the Governor deftred 
that all further Debates and Altercations con¬ 
cerning Lands might reft till they fhould be 
fully examined and looked into by Sir William 
John/on , in order to be tranfmitted to the King 
for his Royal Determination. When Teedyuj¬ 
cung was made fenfible that the Deeds were 
delivered, without examining to fee what Deeds 
they were, he immediately, in the Name of the 
Ten Nations, folemnly concluded a Peace. 
The Reading the Deeds was put off till next 
Day. In the mean Time, upon Examination, 
it was found very few Deeds were delivered, 
and thofe not fufficient to throw full Light 
into the Matters in Difpute, which fhewed 
there was no Deftgn of doing Juftice, or of 
making a full and candid Enquiry into the 
Complaints of the Indians. The Deed of 1718 
was withheld; a Paper, called a Copy of the 
laft Indian Purchafe in 1686, tho’ not even at¬ 
tested to be a Copy, was produced for a Deed. 
Mr. Thomjon , who was Teedyujcung s Secretary, 
having, before he knew there was any Inten¬ 
tion of nominating him to take Minutes, had 
an Opportunity of reading the Treaty in 1728, 
and feeing there the Strefs that was laid upon 
the Deed of 1718, and considering farther that 
the Governor, as being but lately arrived, might 
be unacquainted with that Matter, thought he 

could 


( I2 ° ) 

could not, confident with his Duty, do lefs 
than inform the Governor there was fuch a 
Deed. This he did by a Letter which he de¬ 
livered into the Governor’s own Hands. This, 
however, had not the defired Effect: For the 
next Day, when the Deeds were again pro¬ 
duced, that of 1718 was ftill wanting. The 
Proprietary’s Agents, it feems, had laid the 
Plan, and it was neceffary to profecute that at 
all Adventures, let the Confequence be what 
it would. For this Reafon, doubtlefs, it was 
that the Deed of 1718 was withheld; that the 
Paper, called a Copy, was produced for a Deed, 
tho’ there was no Kind of Certificate to it to 
atteft that it was even a Copy, and Blanks 
were left in two of the moll material Places, 
which it cannot well be imagined a true Deed 
could have, or that the Indians would ever 
knowingly have executed. However, it was 
neceffary this fhould be produced, becaufe on 
it depended the Releafe of 1737, by virtue of 
which the Walk was made, and the greateft 
Part of the Land in Difpute taken from the 
Indians. Befides thefe, were produced a Re¬ 
leafe from the Indians of the Five Nations of 
the Lands on Sufquehannah River, October 11. 
1736. A Releafe from the Six Nations of 
Lands below the Mountains eaflward to Dela¬ 
ware River, dated' Ottober 25, 1736, with an¬ 
other indorfed on it, dated the 9th July , 1754. 
And, laftly, a Deed of Releafe for Indian Pur- 
chafes, dated 22d Augujl 1749. 

Upon finding that the Deed of 1718 was 
not delivered, notwithstanding the Notice given 
to the Governor, Teedyufcung s Secretary in¬ 
formed Mr. Croghan , the King’s Deputy-Agent, 
thereof, by a Letter written and delivered into 
his Hands at the Table in the Time of the 

public 


( *21 ) 

public Treaty. The Reafon for not mention¬ 
ing this Matter in public was, lead, if it came 
to the Indians Ears that they were thus abufed, 
they might break up the Conference, and go 
away diftatisfied. The Ferment among the 
Indians , and the Refolution they had taken to 
go home but the Evening before, upon imagin¬ 
ing that fome Delays in the public Bufinefs 
proceeded from a Backwardnefs in the Governor 
to conclude a Peace, gave apparent Grounds 
for this Fear. For this fame Reafon it was 
that the CommilTioners from the Affembly, 
tho’ they were fenfible the neceffary Deeds 
were not delivered, yet at the Time took no 
public Notice of it, being in Hopes that, upon 
more mature Deliberation, the Governor would 
order what were farther neceffary to be after¬ 
wards added, and fent to the King and Coun¬ 
cil. For, as a juft Determination could not 
be given, while Papers and Deeds of fuch Im¬ 
portance were withheld, and as the Lives of 
many of his Majefty’s Subje&s, and the Alli¬ 
ance of many Indian Nations, depended upon 
a juft Determination, it was not to be imagined 
that the Governor would join in deceiving the 
King and his Council in a Matter of fo great 
Confequence. 

After the foregoing Deeds and Papers were 
produced, and Copies of them given, HeedyuJ- 
cung requefted that Mr. Norris , Speaker of the 
Aflembly, together with the Affembly, would 
look into thefe Matters, and fend to the King 
a Copy of the Deeds and Minutes of this 
Treaty, and he hoped the Governor and Mr. 
Croghan would have no Objection to this. 

Here then the Affair refts. If the proper 
Papers, and a true State of the Cafe, be laid 
before the King and Council, for a juft Deter_ 
o mination. 


( 122 ) 

initiation: If the Indians be affifted in making 
this Settlement, fecured in their Property, and 
inftrudted in Religion and the civil Arts, agree- 
‘ able to their Requeft, and the Trade with them 
regulated and fet on fuch a Footing that they 
may be fecure from Abufe, there is not the 
lead: Doubt but the Alliance and Friendship 
of the Indians may be for ever fecured to the 
Britijh Intereft; but, Should thefe Things be 
neglected, the Arms of the French are open to 
receive them. 

We have already experienced the Cruelties 
of an Indian War, and there are more Instances 
than one to Shew they are capable of being our 
moSt ufeful Friends, or mod dangerous Ene¬ 
mies. And whether, for the future, they are 
to be the one or the other, feems now to be in 
our own Power. How long Matters will reSt 
fo, or whether, if the prefent Opportunity be 
neglected, fuch another will ever return, is alto¬ 
gether uncertain. It becomes Men of Wifdom 
and Prudence to leave nothing to Chance where 
Reafon can decide. 


A LIST 


( 12 3 ) 


A LIST of the Indian Treaties , and 
other Records , examined in making the 
foregoing Extraffs. 


T 


RE ATY between Governor Keith 
and the Indians at Coneftogo , April 

-Go v. Gordon and the 5 Nations at 

Philadelphia , — — July 

Minutes of Council on Indian Affairs, 

- - April 18. 

Treaty between Gov. Gordon and the Co- 
nejlogoes , Delawares , Shawaneje , and 
Canaweje Indians , and 

- Ditto -and 5 Nations, Off. 1 

- Ditto -and ditto May 

Treaty between Gov. Gordon , in the Pre¬ 
fence of Thomas Penn , Efq; and the 

Shawaneje , — - 

- Ditto -< 7 / 7 . and the Six Na¬ 


tions, 


- Aug. and 

-Prefident Logan and ditto 

Deed of Confirmation of the Walking- 
Purchafe, 1737, containing Recitals 
of feveral Treaties or Meetings, 
Minutes of Council relating to Indian 
Conferences, 1741, not delivered to 

the Affembly till - 

Treaty between Governor Thomas and 

Six Nations, - July 

Treaty held at Lancajler with the Six 
Nations, Governors of Penjylvania , 
Virginia and Maryland , — June 

-Gov. Thomas and Indians, at Phi- 

ladelphia , - Offober 


1722 

1 7 2 7 

1728 

1728 

o. 1728 
^29 

1 73 2 

1732 

173 6 

1 733 

to 

1 737 


!742 


I X 


742 


1744 


T 744 
Treaties 


















( I2 4 ) 

Treaties held at Albany with Six Nations, 'j 

Government of New-York, Majfachuf- > 1745 
Jetts , Conedlicut and Penjylvania , 0^7. J 

-At Albany with ditto , — Gover- J ^ 

nor of New-Tork , - j 1 ^ 

Votes of Affembly of Penjylvania , Vol.j 1747 


III. Sundry Minutes on Indian Affairs 
Treaty held at Philadelphia between Go¬ 
vernor Haynilton and the Six Nations, 

( 7 . eijers Letters to the Secretary, and 
Governor Hamilton's Meffages to the 
Affembly before and after the faid 

Treaty, - - 

Secretary Peter s Report to Governor ) 

Hamilton of his Proceedings at Ju- > 1750 
niata , - - J 


1748 

!749 

! 749 


C. IVeiJer (Indian Interpreter) his Jour¬ 
nal of Proceedings at Albany , 

Treaty held at CarliJle between the Go- j 
vernment of Penjylvania and the Ohio 
Indians , 


1751 


1 7 53 


PrivateMinutes ofProceedings at Albany ) 

Treaty, and Deed of Indian Purchafe, J 1 ^54 
C. IVeiJer s Journal of his Conferences | 

with Indians at Anhgwick , - } 

Conferences between Governor Morris ( 
and Indians at Philadelphia , Aug. j 

Indian Intelligence obtained in Confe- 
rencewith the H alf-King, Scarroyady , 
and others, at feveral Times, 

Conferences between Gov. Morris and } 

Scarroyady, &c. March and April ) 5 ° 

-between fome Quakers and Scar- } 

royady , - April j 


*754 

1 75 5 

*754 
1 75 5 


1756 


-between Gov. Morris and Capt. \ 

Newe aft le at Jagrea , - June j 

-between ditto -and 


1 7 56 
. l 75 6 

Minutes 



















( 12 5 ) 

Minutes of Conferences between GovM 

Morris and T'eedyufcung, King of the > 1756 
Delawares, - July ) 


- ditto between Gov. Denny and 

ditto at Eafton, Nov. 

Minutes of Conferences between ditto 
and the Six Nations at Lancafter,May 

-between ditto and Teedyufcung, 

and others, at Eafton, - Aug. 


! 75 6 
J 757 
1 757 


Conferences and Treaties between Sir William 
Johnfon and the Six Nations, Shawanefe, and 
others, from December 1755 to February 
1756. London printed. 

Sir William Johnfon s Treaty with the Shawanefe 
and Delaware Indians, July 1756. Publifhed 
at New-Tork, 1757. 

-Treaty with Shawanefe,Nan¬ 
ticokes, and Mohickanders, April 1757. Pu¬ 
blifhed at New-Tork. 


Thirteen Indian Deeds taken from the pu¬ 
blic Records, viz. 

2d October 1685, For the Lands from Duck- 
Creek to Chefter-Creek. 

12th January 1696, For the Lands on both Sides 
of Sufquehannah, lately purchafed by Tho¬ 
mas Dungan of the Seneca and Sufquehannah 
Indians. 

5th July 1697, For the Lands from Pennopeck- 
Creek to Nefhameny. 

13th Sept. 1700, For the Lands on both Sides 
of Sufquehannah, fo far as the Sufquehannah 
Indians have a-Right to claim, confirming 
the Grant formerly made by Col. Dungan 
to William Penn. 

23 d April 


-/*« 

r • •- 

t 


I 








( 126 ) 

23d April 1701, Articles of Friendfhip and A- 
greement between William Penn and the 
Sufquehannah , Shaw on ah and North Pato- 
mack Indians. 

17th Sept. 1718, Saffoonan , King of the Dela- 
wares , and his fix Counfellors, to William 
Penn , their Deed of Confirmation of all 
former Sales of Lands from Puck-Creek to 
the Mountains on this Side Lechay. 

nth Ohlober 1736, Releafe of all the Lands on 
Sufquehannah to the Southward of the Kit- 
tochtinny Hills from the Chiefs of the Six 
Nations to John, Phomas and Richard Penn , 
Efquires. 

25th October 1736, Releafe from fome of the 
Chiefs of the Six Nations (Parties to the 
laft mentioned Deed) of all their Right to 
the Lands in the Province of Penfylvania , 
fouthward of the Kittochtinny Hills. On 
this Deed appears an Indorfement made 
at Albany , 9th July 1754, confirming the 
Deed, and promifing to fell no Lands 
within thefe Limits to any Perfon fave 
Phomas and Richard Penn , Efquires. 

25th Augujl 1737, A Deed of Confirmation of 
a Purchafe therein recited to have been 
formerly made of fo much Land as a Man 
could go over in a Day and half, beginning 
at Pitcock’s Falls on Delaware , thence weft- 
ward to Nejhameny , and to the Head of the 
moft wefterly Branch of the faid Creek, 
and thence to the End of the Walk, &c. 

23d July 1748, Articles of Friendfhip between 
the Chiefs of the Pweghtwees , and the 
Government of Penfylvania. 

22d Augujl 1749, Releafe of the Chiefs of the 
Six Nations of Lands between the Kittoch¬ 
tinny 


( 127 ) 

tinny Mountains and Maghoinoy on Suf- 
quehannah , and the laid Mountains and 
Lechawacbfein on Delaware. 

6th July 1754, Releafe from the Chiefs of the 
Six Nations of Lands on the Weft-Side of 
Sufquehannah , beginning at the Kittochtinny 
Hills, and thence to a Creek northward 
of the Kittochtinny Hills, called Kayanon- 
dinhagh , thence North-Weft and by Weft 
to the weftern Bounds of Penjylvania , 
thence to the Maryland Line, thence by 
faid Line to the South-Side of the Kittoch¬ 
tinny Hills, thence by the faid South-Side 
of the faid Hills to the Place of Beginning. 

9th July 1754, An Indorfement made by fome 
of the Parties to the faid Deed, promiftng 
to fell no Lands within the Limits of Pen- 
Jylvania to any but the Penns. 

A Paper, faid to be a Copy of a Deed, dated 
28th of 6th Month 1686, and indorfed, 
Copy of the laft Indian Purchafe. To 
give it fome Credit, it has been confidently 
afterted, that the faid Indorfement is of 
the Hand-Writing of IVilliayn Penn\ but 
on its being produced at Eajlon , and ex¬ 
amined, it appeared clearly, and was con- 
fefied by the Secretary and feveral others 
acquainted with Mr. Penns Hand-Writing, 
not to be his, nor indeed is it like it. Its 
chief Mark of Credit is, that it appears 
to be an antient Paper. But there is no 
Certificate of its being a Copy, nor was it 
ever recorded. As the Name of JoJeph 
JVood is put as one of the Evidences, and 
as a Perfon of that Name declared at Penf- 
bury 1734, he was prefent at an Indian 
Treaty in 1686, and it is not known there 

was 


( 128 ) 

was any other of the Name, it feems extra¬ 
ordinary, if this be a genuine Copy, that 
he was not then called upon to make fome 
Proof of it. 

There is a confiderable Number of Indian 
Deeds in the Hands of the Secretary for Lands 
purchafed at feveral Times, and particularly for 
the Lands on the Branches of Schuylkil above 
Tulpyhochin , purchafed in 1732 and 1733, which 
it was particularly defired might be produced, 
but they will neither record nor produce them. 
There is Reafon to believe the laid laft men¬ 
tioned Deed would particularly militate againft 
the fubfequent Proceedings from 1733 to 1737. 


I 


F 


I 


N 


S . 


APPENDIX. 


A S the withdrawing of the Ohio Indians lad Sum¬ 
mer from the French Intered, was of great 
Importance to the Succefs of General Forbes's 
Expedition againd Fort Fuquejne , it may be fome 
Satisfaction to the curious Reader to be informed 
what Means were made Ufe of by the General and 
the Government of Pennfilvania to bring about a 
Peace with thofe Indians, or at lead to engage them 
in a Neutrality. The great Danger to the General’s 
Army was, that it might be attacked and routed in 
its March by the Indians, who are fo expert in Wood- 
Fights, that a very fmall Number of them are fupe- 
rior to a great Number of our Regulars, and gene¬ 
rally defeat them. If our Army could once arrive 
before the Fort, there was no Doubt but a regular 
Attack would foon reduce it. Therefore a proper 
Perfon was fought for, who would venture among 
thofe hodile Indians with a Meffage; and, in the 
mean Time, the General moved dowly and furely. 
Chriflian Frederick Poft was at length pitched on for 
this Service. He is a plain, honed, religioudy dif- 
pofed Man, who, from a confcientious Opinion of 
Duty, formerly went to live among the Mohickon 
Indians, in order to convert them to Chriftianity. He 
married twice among them, and lived with them 
feventeen Years, whereby he attained a perfeCt Know¬ 
ledge of their Language and Cudoms. Both his 
Wives being dead, he had returned to live among 






( ‘ 3 ° ) 

the white People; but at the Requefl; of the Governor 
he readily undertook this hazardous journey. How 
he executed his Truft, his Journal will fhow. As he 
is not a Scholar, the candid Reader will make Al¬ 
lowance for Defeats in Method or Expreffion. The 
Form may feem uncouth, but the matter is intereft- 
ing. The Indian Manner of Treating on public 
Affairs, which this Journal affords a compleat Idea 
of, is likewife a Matter of no fmall Curiohty: And 
the Event of PoJl* s Negotiation (as well as the Ex¬ 
perience of our bad Succefs in the Indian War) fhows 
the Rightnefs of that Meafure continually incul¬ 
cated and recommended by fo?ne in Pennjylvania , of 
reducing the Indians to Reafon by Ireaty rather than 
by Force. 

The JOURNAL of Chrijlian Frederick Poji , 
in his Journey from Philadelphia to the Ohio , 
on a Meffage from the Government of Penn- 
fylvania to the Delaware , Shawanefe and Mingo 
Indians fettled there, and formerly in Alliance 
with the Englifh. 

July the 15th, 1758. 

T HIS Day I received Orders from his Honour 
the Governor to fet out on my intended Jour¬ 
ney, and proceeded as far as Germantown , where I 
found all the Indians drunk. Willamegicken returned 
to Philadelphia for a Horfe that was promifed him. 

16th. This day I waited for the faid Willamegicken 
till near Noon, and when he came, being very drunk*, 
he could proceed no further, fo that 1 left him and 
went on to Bethlehem ^. 

17th. I arrived at Bethlehem , and prepared for my 
Journey. 

* All Indians are exceffively fond of Rum, and will be drunk 
whenever they can get it. 

f The Moravian Brethren’s Settlement. 


i8th. I 


( l 3' ) 

18th. I read over both the laft Treaties, that at 
Eajton and that at Philadelphia , and made myfelf ac¬ 
quainted with the Particulars of each. 

19th. With much Difficulty I perfuaded the In¬ 
dians to leave Bethlehem , and travelled this Day no 
farther than Hayes's, having a hard Shower of Rain. 

20th. Arrived at Fort Allen. 

21 ft. I called my Company together, to know if 
we ffiould proceed. They complained they were fick, 
and muft reft that Day. This Day I think Teedyuf- 
cung laid many Obftacles in my Way, and was very 
much againft my proceeding; he faid he was afraid I 
ffiould never return, and that the Indians would kill 
me. About Dinner-time two Indians arrived from 
Wyoming , with an Account that Feedyujcung s Son 
Hans Jacob was returned, and brought News from 
the French and Allegheny Indians. Feedyujcung then 
callel a Council, and propofed that I ffiould only go 
to Wyoming , and return, with the Meffiage his Son 
had brought, to Philadelphia. I made Anfwer that 
it was too late, that he ffiould have propofed That 
in Philadelphia , for that the Writings containing my 
Orders were fo drawn, as obliged me to go, though 
I ffiould lofe my Life. 

22d. I defired my Companions to prepare to fet 
out, upon which Feedyujcung called them all together 
in the Fort, and protefted againft my going. His 
Reafons were, that he was afraid the Indians would 
kill me, or the French get me; and if that ffiould be 
the Cafe, he ffiould be very forry, and did not know 
what he ffiould do. I gave for Anfwer, “That I 
“did not know what to think of their Conduct. It 
“is plain,” faid I, “that the French have a publick 
“ Road * to your Towns, yet you will not let your 
“ own Fleffi and Blood, the Englijh , come near 
“ them; which is very hard: and if that be the Cafe, 
“ the French muft be your Mailers.” I added, that, 

* An Indian Expreffion meaning Free Admiflion. 

if 


( i3 2 ) 

if I died in the Undertaking, it would be as much 
for the Indians as Englifh , and that I hoped my Jour¬ 
ney would be of this Advantage, that it would be 
the Means of faving the Lives of many Hundreds 
of the Indians: Therefore I was refolved to go for¬ 
ward, taking my Life in my Hand, as one ready to 
part with it for their Good. Immediately after I 
had fpoken thus, three rofe up and offered to go 
with me the neareft Way; and we concluded to go 
through the Inhabitants under the blue Mountains 
to Fort Augufta on Sufquehannab , where we arrived 
the 25th. 

It gave me great Pain to obferve many Plantations 
deferted and laid wafte; and I could not but reflect 
on the Diftrefs the poor Owners muil be drove to, 
who once lived in Plenty; and I prayed the Lord to 
reftore Peace and Profperity to the Diftreffed. 

At Fort Augufta we were entertained very kindly, 
had our Horfes fhod, and one, being lame, we ex¬ 
changed for another. Here we received, by Indians 
from Diabogo *, the difagreeable News that our Army 
was, as they faid, entirely cut off at Eiconderoga , which 
difcouraged one of my Companions (Lappopetung s 
Son) fo much, that he would proceed no further. 
Sbamoking Daniel here alked me if thought he fhould 
be fatisfied for his Trouble in going with me. I told 
him every Body that did any Service for the Province 
I thought would be paid. 

27th. They furnifhed us here with every Neceffary 
for our Journey, and we fet out with good Courage. 
After we rode about ten Miles, we were caught in a 
hard Gull of Rain. 

28th. We came to Wekeeponall^ where the Road 
turns off for Wyoming. , and llept this Night at Iftueena- 
JJiawakee. 

29th. We croffed the Sufquebannab over the Bigg 
Ifland. My Companions were now very fearful, and 

t An Indian Settlement towards the Heads of Sufquehannab. 

this 


( 1 33 ) 

this Night went a great Way out of the Road to fieep 
without Fire, but could not deep for the Mufquetoes 
and Vermin. 

30th and 31ft. We were glad it was Day, that we 
might fet out. We got upon the Mountains and had 
heavy Rains all Night. The Heavens alone were 
our Covering, and we accepted of all that was poured 
down from thence. 

Auguft the 1 ft. We faw three Hoops* on a Bufh: 
To one of them there remained fome long white 
Hair. Our Horfes left us, I fuppofe not being fond 
of the dry Food on the Mountains: With a good 
deal of Trouble we found them again. We ftept this 
Night on the fame Mountain. 

2d. We came acrofs feveral Places where two Poles 
painted red were ftuck in the Ground by the Indians , 
to which they tye their Prifoners when they ftop at 
Night in their Return from their Incurftons. We 
arrived this Night at Shinglimuhse , where was another 
of the fame Pofts. ’Tis a difagreeable and melancholy 
Sight to fee the Means they make ufe of (according 
to their favage Way) to diftrefs others. 

3d. We came to a Part of a River called Pobeco , 
over the Mountains a verv bad Road. 

4th. We loft one of our Horfes and with much 
Difficulty found him, but was detained a whole Day 
on that Account. 

I had much Converfation with Pifquetumen ‘\, of 
which I think to inform myfelf further when I get 
to my Journey’s End. 

5th. We fet out early this Day and made a good 
long Stretch, croffed the big River Pobeco and lodged 
between two Mountains. 1 had the Misfortune to lofe 
my Pocket-Book with three Pounds five ShillingsJ, 

* Little Hoops on which the Indians ftretch and drefs the raw 
Scalps. 

J An Indian Chief that travelled with him. 

+ The Money of Pennfylvania, being Paper, is chiefly carried 
in Pocket-Books. 

and 


( 134 ) 

and fundry other Things: What Writings it con¬ 
tained were illegible to any Body but myfelf. 

6th. We paffedall the Mountains, and thebig River 
Wejhawaucks , and crofied a fine Meadow two miles in 
Length, where we fiept that Night, having nothing to 
eat. 

7th. We came in Sight of Fort Venango , belonging 
to the French, fituate between two Mountains in a Fork 
of the Ohio River. I prayed the Lord to blind them, as 
he did the Enemies of Lot and Elijha , that I might 
pafs unknown. When we arrived, the Fort being on 
the other Side of the River, we halloo’d and defired 
them to fetch us over, which they were afraid to do, 
but fhewed us a Place where we might ford. We 
fiept that Night within half Gun-Shot of the Fort. 

8th. This Morning I hunted for my Horfe round 
the Fort within ten Yards of it. The Lord heard 
my Prayer, and I pafied unknown till we had mounted 
our Horfes to go off, when two Frenchmen came to 
take leave of the Indians , and were much furprized at 
feeing me, but faid nothing. 

By what I could learn of Pifquetumen and the In¬ 
dians who went into the Fort, the Garrifon confided 
of only fix Men and an Officer blind of one Eye. 
They enquired much of the Indians concerning the 
Englijh , whether they knew of any Party coming to 
attack them, which they were very apprehenfive of. 

9th. Heavy Rains all Night and Day: We fiept 
on fwampy Ground. 

10th. We imagined we were near Kujhkujhkee\ and 
having travelled three Miles, we met three French¬ 
men , who appeared very fhy of us, but faid nothing 
more than to enquire, whether we knew of any Englijh 
coming againfi: Fort Venango. 

After we travelled two miles farther, we met with an 
Indian and one that I took to be a runagade Englijh 
Indian-Erader: He fpoke good Englijh , was very curi¬ 
ous in examining every Thing, particularly the filver 
Medal about Pifquitumen s Neck. He appeared by 

his 


( l 35 ) 

his Countenance to be guilty. We enquired of them 
where we were, and found we were loft, and within 
twenty Miles of Fort Duquefne. We ftruck out of 
the Road to the Right, and ftept between two Moun¬ 
tains; and being deftitute of Food, two went to hunt 
and the others to feek a Road, but to no Purpofe. 

i ith. We went to the Place where they had killed 
two Deers, and Pifquitumen and I roafted the Meat. 
Two went to hunt for the Road to know which Way 
we fhould go: One came back and had found a Road; 
the other loft himfelf. 

12th. The reft of us hunted for him, but in vain; 
lo, as we could not find him, we concluded to fet off, 
leaving luch Marks that, if he returned, he might 
know which Way to follow us; and we left him fome 
Meat. We came to the River Conaquonajhon , where 
was an old Indian Town. We were then fifteen Miles 
from Kufhkufhkee. 

There we ftopt and fent forward Pifquetumen with 
four Strings of Wampum, to apprize the Town of 
our coming’* 1 , with this Meftage, “Brother)*, thy 
“ Brethren are come a great Way and want to fee 
“ thee at thy Fire, to Jmoak that good Pobacco% which 
“our good Grandfathers ufed to fmoak. Turn thy 
“ Eyes once more upon that Road by which I came^f. 
“ I bring thee Words of great Confequence from the 
“ Governor and People of Pennsylvania and from the 
“ King of England. Now I defire thee to call all 
“the Kings and Captains from all the Towns, that 
“ none may be miffing. I do not defire that my 
“Words may be hid, or fpoken under Cover. I 

* According to the Rules of Indian Politenefs y you mull never go 
into a Town without fending a previous Melfage to denote your 
Arrival, or Handing at a Diftance from the Town and hallooing 
till fome come out to condutt you in. Otherwife you are thought 
as rude as White men. 

■)• When the People of a Town, or of a Nation, are addrelfed, 
the Indians always ufe the lingular Number. 

t i. e. To confer in a friendly Manner. 

*j| i. e. Call to mind our antient friendly Intercourfe. 

<( 


want 


( U 6 ) 

“ want to fpeak loud that all the Indians may hear me. 
££ I hope thou wilt bring me on the Road and lead 
££ me into the Town. I blind the French that they 
££ may not fee me, and I flop their Tar3 that they 
££ may not hear the great News I bring you.” 

About Noon we met fome Shawaneje that ufed to 
live at Wyoming. They knew me, and received me 
very kindly. I faluted them, and allured them the 
Government of Pennsylvania wifhed them well and 
wifhed to live in Peace and Friendfhip with them. 
Before we came to the Town, two Men came to meet 
us and lead us in. King Beaver fhewed us a large 
H oufe to lodge in*. The People foon came and 
lhaked Hands with us. The Number was about fixty 
young able Men. Soon after King Beaver came and 
told his People, £C Boys, hearken, We fat here, without 
<£ ever expecting again to fee our Brethren the Englijh ; 
££ but now one of them is brought before you, that 
££ you may fee your Brethren the Englijh with your own 
££ Eyes; and I wifh you may take it into Conhder- 
£C ation.”—Afterwards he turned to me and faid, 

££ Brother, I am very glad to fee you; I never 
££ thought we fhould have had the Opportunity to fee 
££ one another more; but now I am very glad, and 
££ thank Godf who has brought you to us. It is a 
££ great Satisfaction to me.”—I faid, ££ Brother, I re- 
££ joice in my Heart and thank God who has brought 
££ me to you. I bring you joyful News from the Go- 
££ vernor and People of Pennjylvania , and from your 
££ Children the Friends%\ And, as I have Words of 
££ great Confequence, I will lay them before you when 
££ all the Kings and Captains are called together from 
££ the other Towns. I wifh there may not be a Man 


Every Indian Town has a large Cabin for the Entertainment 
of Strangers by the public Hofpitality. 

f The Indians have learned from the Englijh the general Notion 
of a fupreme good Being. 

J That is, the Quakers , for whom the Indians have a particular 
Regard. 

of 


( !37 ) 

of them miffing, but that they may be all here to 
hear. 

Tn the Evening King Beaver came again and told 
me, they had held a Council, and fent out to ail their 
Towns, but it would take five Days before they could 
all come together. I thanked him for his Care. Ten 
Captains came and faluted me. One faid to the others; 
<c We never expelled to fee our Brethren the Englijh 
‘ again, but now God has granted us once more to 
c fhake Hands with them, which we will not forget.’ 
They fat by my Fire till Midnight. 

14th. The People crowded to my Houfe, it was 
full. We had much Talk. Delaware George faid he 
had not flept all Night, fo much had he been engaged 
on Account of my Coming. The French came and 
would fpeak with me. There were then 15 of them 
building Houfes for the Indians. The Captain is gone 
with 15 to another Town. He can fpeak the Indian 
Tongue well. The Indians fay he is a cunning Fox; 
that they get a great deal of Goods from the French ; 
and that the French cloath* the Indians every Year, 
Men Women, and Children, and give them as much 
Powder and Lead as they want. 

i 5 th. Beaver King was informed, that Teedyufcung 
had faid he had turned the Hatchet ao;ainfl the French 
by Advice of the Allegany Indians ; this he blamed, as 
they had never fent him fuch Advice. But being in¬ 
formed it was his own doing, without any Perfuafion 
of the Governor, he was eafy on that Head. Delaware 
Daniel prepar’d a Dinner, to which he invited me and 
all the Kings and Captains: And when I came, he faid, 
‘ Brother, we are as glad to fee you among us as if we 
c dined with the Governor and People in Philadelphia . 
‘ We have thought a great deal fince you have been 
c here. We never thought fo much before :!: ’. I thanked 
them for their kind Reception; I faid it was fome- 

* That is. We look on your coming as a Matter of Importance, 
it engages our Attention. 

s ■ thing 


( U 8 ) 

thing great, that God had fpared our Lives to fee one 
another again in the old Brother-like Love and Friend- 
fhip. There were in all 13 who dined together. 

In the Evening they danced at my Fire, firft the 
Men and then the Women, till after Midnight. 

On the 16th, the King and the Captains called on 
me privately. They wanted to hear what teedyujcung 
had faid of them, and begged me to take out the 
Writings. I read to them what ' Teedyujcung had faid, 
and told them, as teedyujcung had faid he would fpeak 
fo loud, that all at Allegheny , and beyond, fhould hear 
it, I would conceal nothing from them. They faid 
they never fent any fuch Advice (as above mentioned) 
to teedyujcung , nor ever fent a Meffage at all to the 
Government; and now the French were here, their 
Captain would come to hear, and this would make Dif- 
turbance. I then told them I would read the reft, and 
leave out that Part, and they might tell the Kings 
and Captains of it when they came together. 

17th. Early this Morning they called all the Peo¬ 
ple together to clean the Place where they intended 
to hold the Council, it being in the middle of the 
Town. Kujhkufhkee is divided into four Towns, each 
at a Diftance from the others, and the whole confifts 
of about 90 Houfes and 200 able Warriors. 

About Noon two publick Meffengers arrived from 
the Indians at Fort Duquejne and the other Towns. 
They brought three large Belts and two Bundles of 
Strings*; there came with them a French Captain and 
15 Men. The two Meffengers infifted that I fhould 
go with them to bort Fuquejne\ that there were there 
Indians of eight Nations who wanted to hear me; 


* Thefe Belts and Strings are made of Shell Beads called Wam¬ 
pum. The Wampum ferves among the Indians as Money; of it 
they alfo make their Necklaces, Bracelets, and other Ornaments. 
Eelts and Strings of it are ufed in all public Negociations: to each 
Belt or String there is connefted a Meffage, 'Speech or Part of a 
Speech to be delivered with the Belt by the Meffenger or Speaker. 
Thefe Belts alfo ferve for Records, being worked with Figures 
compofed of Beads of different Colours to affilt the Memory. 

that 


( l 39 ) 

that it I brought good News, they inclined to leave 
off War and live in Friendfhip with the Englifh. 
The above Meffengers being Indian Captains were 
very furly. When I went to fhake Hands with one 
ot them, he gave me his little Finger, the other with¬ 
drew his Hand entirely, upon which I appeared as 
ftout as either, and withdrew my Hand as quick as 
I could. 1 heir Rudenefs to me was taken very ill 
by the other Captains, who treated them in the fame 
Manner in their Turn. 

I told them my Order was to go to the Indian 
Towns, Kings and Captains, and not to the French ; 
that the Englifh were at War with the French , but not 
with thofe Indians who withdrew from the French and 
would be at Peace with the Englifh. 

King Beaver invited me to his Houfe to Dinner, 
and afterwards he invited the French Captain, and 
faid before the Frenchman , that the Indians were very 
proud to fee one of their Brothers the Englifh among 
them, at which the French Captain appeared low- 
fpirited, and feemed to eat his Dinner with very little 
Appetite. 

In the Afternoon the Indian Kings and Captains 
called me ahde, and defired me to read them the 
Writings that I had. Firft I read part of the Eafton 
Treaty to them, but they prefently hopped me and 
would not hear it; I then began with the Articles of 
Peace made with the Indians there. They hopped 
me again and faid, they had nothing to fay to any 
Treaty or League of Peace made at Eafton , nor had 
any Thing to do with Teedyufcung\ that if I had no¬ 
thing to fay to them from the Government or Go¬ 
vernor, they would have nothing to fay to me. And 
farther faid, they had hitherto been at War with the 
Englifh , and had never expelled to be at Peace with 
them again; and that there were fix of their Men now 
gone to War againft them with other Indians ; that 
had there been Peace between us, thofe Men fhould 
not have gone to War. I then fhewed them the 

Belts 


( HO ) 

Belts and Strings from the Governor, and they again 
told me to lay ahde Deedyufcung and the Peace made 
by him; for that they had nothing to do with it*. I 
defired them to differ me to produce my Papers, and 
I would read what 1 had to fay to them. 

J 

18 th. Delaware George is very abtive in endeavour¬ 
ing to eftablifh a Peace. I believe he is in earned. 
Hitherto they have all treated me kindly. 

In the Afternoon all the Kings and Captains were 
called together, and fent for me to their Council. 
King Beaver firfi: addrefled himfelf to the Captains; 
and afterwards fpoke to me as follows; “ Brother, 
c You have been here now five days by our Fire*j\ 
‘ We have fent to all the Kings and Captains defiring 
c them to come to our Fire, and hear the good News 
‘you brought. Yefterday they fent two Captains to 
c acquaint us, they were glad to hear our Englijh Bro- 
‘ ther was come among us, and were defirous to hear 
c the good News he brought; and fince there are a 
‘great many Nations that want to fee our Brother, 
‘ they have invited us to their Fire, that they may 
‘ hear us all. Now, Brother, we have but one great 
‘ Fire; fo, Brother, by this String we will take you in 
‘our Arms, and deliver you into the Arms of the 
‘other Kings, and when we have called all the Na¬ 
tions there, we will hear the good News you have 
‘ brought.’ 

Delivers four Strings. 

King Beaver , Shingas , and Deleware George fpoke 
as follows, ‘Brother, we alone cannot make a Peace, 
‘ it would be of no Signification ; for as all the Indians 
‘ from the Sun Rife to the Sun Set are united in one 

* The Peace made with Teedyufcung , was for the Delawares , 
&c. on Sufquehannah only, and did not include the Indians on the 
Ohio , they having no Deputies at the Treaty. But he had promifed 
to halloo to them; that is, fend Melfengers to them, and endeavour 
to draw them into the Peace, which he accordingly did. 

t A Fire in public Affairs, fignifies, among the Indians, a Council. 

‘ Bodv, 


( H* ) 

c Body, ’tis necelfary that the whole fhould join in 
4 the Peace, or it can be no Peace; and we can allure 
‘you, all the Indians a great Way from this, even 
4 beyond the Lakes, are delirous of and wifh for a 
1 Peace with the Englifh , and have delired us, as we 
‘ the neared of Kin, if we fee the Englijh incline 
4 to a Peace, to hold it fall.’ 

On the 19th, all the People gathered together, 
Men, Women, and Children; and King Beaver de- 
fired me to read to them the News I had brought, and 
told me that all the able Men fhould go with me to 
the other Town. I complied with his Delire, and they 
appeared very much pleafed at every Thing, till I 
came to that Part refpecding the Prifoners. This 
they dilliked, for they fay it appears very odd and 
unreafonable, that we fhould demand Prifoners be¬ 
fore there is an edablifhed Peace; fuch an unreafon¬ 
able Demand makes us appear as if we wanted Brains. 

20th. We fet out from Kufhkufhkee for Sankonk\ 
my Company confided of 25 Horfemenand 15 Foot. 
We arrived at Sankonk in the Afternoon. The People 
of the Town were much didurbed at my coming, and 
received me in a very rough Manner. They fur- 
rounded me with drawn Knives in their Hands, in 
fuch a Manner that I could hardly get along; rim¬ 
ing up againd me with their Breads open, as if they 
wanted fome Pretence to kill me. I faw by their 
Countenances they fought my Death. Their Faces 
were quite didorted with Rage, and they went fo far 
as to fay, I fhould not live long; but fome Indians 
with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up 
and faluting me in a friendly Manner, their Beha¬ 
viour to me was quickly changed. 

On the 21 ft, Theyfent Meffengers to Fort Duquejne 
to let them know I was there, and invited them to 
their Fire. In the Afternoon I read to them all my 
Meffage, the French Captain being prefent, for he 
ftill continued with us: Upon which they were 
more kind to me. In the Evening 15 more arrived 

here 


( ) 

here from Kujhkujhkee. The Men here now about 
120. 

22d. Arrived about 20 Shawaneje and Mingos. I 
read to them the Meffage, at which they feemed well 
pleafed. Then the two Kings came to me and fpoke 
in the following Manner; 

4 Brother, We the Shawaneje and Mingos have heard 
4 your Meffage; the Meffengerwefent to Fort Duquejne 
4 is returned, and tells us, there are eight different 
4 Nations there who want to hear your Meffage; we 
4 will conduct you there and let both the Indians and 
4 French hear what our Brothers the Englijh have to 
4 fay.’ I protefled againft going to Fort Duquejne , but 
all in vain; for they infilled on my going, and faid 
that I need not fear the French , for they would carry 
me in their Bofoms, i. e. engage for my Safety. 

23d. We fet off for Fort Duquejne and went no 
farther this Night than Logs Down , where I met with 
four Shawaneje , who lived in Wyoming when I did. 
They received me very kindly, and called the Prifon- 
ers to lhake Hands with me, as their Countryman, 
and gave me Leave to go into every Houfe to fee 
them, which was done in no Town befides. 

24th. They called to me, and defired that I would 
write to the General for them. The Jealoufy natural 
to the Indians is not to be defcribed; for tho’ they 
wanted me to write for them, they were afraid I would, 
at the fame time, give other Information, and this per¬ 
plexed them. We continued our Journey to the Fort, 
and arrived in Sight on this Side the River in the Af¬ 
ternoon, and all the Indian Chiefs immediately came 
over; they called me into the Middle, and King Bea¬ 
ver prefented me to them, and faid, 4 Here is our 
4 Englijh Brother, who has brought great News.’ Two 
of them rofe up and fignified they were glad to fee 
me. But an old deaf Onondago Indian rofe up and 
fignified his Difpleafure. This Indian is much dis¬ 
liked by the others; he had heard nothing yet that had 
paffed; he has lived here a great while, and conflantly 

lives 


( 143 ) 

lives in the Fort, and is mightily attached to tne 
French', he (poke as follows to the Delawares. 4 1 
4 don’t know this Swannock ||; it may be that you know 
4 him. I, the Shawaneje , and our Father*, don’t know 
4 him. I hand here (damping his Foot) as a Man on 
4 his own Ground']*; therefore I, the Shawanefe and 
4 my Father, don’t like that a Swannock come on our 

4 Ground.’-Then there was Silence awhile till the 

Pipe went roundj; after that was over, one of the 
Delawares rofe up, and fpoke in Oppofition to him 
that fpoke lad, and delivered himfelf as follows. 

4 That Man fpeaks not as a Man; he endeavours 
4 to frighten us, by faying this is his Ground; he 
4 dreams; he and his Father have certainly drank too 
4 much Liquor; they are drunk, pray let them go to 
4 deep till they be fober. You don’t know what your 
4 own Nation does at Home; how much they have 
4 to fay to the Swannocks. You are quite rotten. You 
4 dink§. You do nothing but fmoke your Pipe here. 

4 Go to deep with your Father, and when you are 
4 fober we will fpeak to you.’ 

After this, the French demanded me of the Indians. 
They faid it was a Cudom among the white People 
when a Meflenger came, even if it was the Governor, 
to blind his Eyes and lead him into the Fort, to a Pri- 
fon or private Room. They, with fome of the Indians , 
infided very much on my being fent into the Fort, but 
to no Purpofe; for the other Indians faid to the French , 
4 It may be a Rule among you, but we have brought 
4 him here, that all the Indians might fee him, and 
4 hear what our Brothers the Englifh have to fay; and 

|| i. e. This Englijbman. 

* By Father , they exprefs the French. 

-j- By /, he here means, I the Six Nations, of which the Onon- 
dagoes are one of the greateft. This was therefore a Claim of the 
Ohio Lands, as belonging to the Six Nations, exclufive of the Dela¬ 
wares, whom they formerly called Women. 

+ The Indians fmoke in their Councils. 

§ That is, The Sentiments you exprefs, are offenfive to the 
Company. 

4 we 



( ! 4 + ) 

‘ we will not fuffer him to be blinded and carried into 
‘the Fort.’ The French flill infilled on my being 
delivered to them; but the Indians defired them, to 
let them hear no more about it; but to fend them 
ioo Loaves of Bread, for they were hungry. 

25th. This Morning early they fent us over a large 
Bullock, and all the Indian Chiefs came over again, 
and councelled a great deal among themfelves; then 
the Delaware , that handled the old deaf Onondago In¬ 
dian fo roughly Yeflerday, addrefl himfelf to him in 
this Manner; c I hope To-day you are fober. I am 
‘certain you did not know what you faid Yeflerday. 
‘You endeavoured to frighten us; but know, we are 
‘ now Men , and not fo eafily frightened. You faid 
‘ fomething Yeflerday of the Shawanefe \ fee here what 
‘ they have fent you’ ( prefenting him with a large Roll 
of Fobacco .) 

Then the old deaf Indian rofe up and acknowledged 
he had been in the Wrong; faid that he had now 
cleaned himfelf* and hoped they would forgive him. 

Then the Delaware Indian delivered the Meffage 
that was fent by the Shawanefe , which was, ‘ That they 
‘ hoped the Delawares , &c. would be flrongf, in what 
‘they were undertaking; that they were extremely 
‘proud to hear fuch good News from their Brothers 
‘ the Englifh ; that whatever Contra&s they made with 
‘ the Englifh , the Shawanefe would agree to; that they 
‘were their Brothers, and that they loved them.’ 

The French whifpered to th z Indians, as I imagined, 
to infill on my delivering what I had to fay, on the 
other Side of the Water; which they did to no Pur- 
pofe, for my Company flill infilled on a Hearing on 
this Side of the Water. The Indians croffed the 
River to council with their Fathers J. My Company 
defired to know whether they would hear me or no. 
Phis Afternoon 300 Canadians arrived at the Fort, 

* That is, he had changed his ofFenfive Sentiments. 

t That is, that they would aft vigoroufly. 

The French at the Fort. 


and 



( 145 ) 

and reported that 600 more were foon to follow them, 
and 40 Battoes laden with Ammunition. Some of 
my Party defired me not to ftir from the Fire, for 
that the French had offered a great Reward for my 
Scalp, and that there were feveral Parties out on that 
Purpofe. Accordingly I fluck conftantly as clofe to 
the Fire as if I had been chained there. 

26th. The Indians with a great many of the French 
Officers came over to hear what I had to fay. The 
Officers brought with them a Table, Pens, Ink and 
Paper. I fpoke in the Middle of them with a free 
Confcience, and perceived by the Look of the French 
they were not pleafed with what I faid; the Particulars 
of which were as follows;—I fpoke in the Name of 
the Government and People of Penfilvania. 

‘ Brethren at Allegheny , We have a long Time de- 
‘ fired to fee and hear from you; you know the Road 
c was quite flopt, and we did not know how to come 
‘through. We have fent many Meffengers to you, 

‘ but we did not hear of you, now we are very glad 
c we have found an Opening to come and fee you, 

‘ and to fpeak with you, and to hear your true Mind 
£ and Refolution. We falute you very heartily. 

A String, , No. I. 

£ Brethren at Allegheny ; take Notice of what I fay. 

£ You know that the bad Spirit has brought fomething 
£ between us, that has kept us at a Diftance one from 
‘another; I now by this Belt take every Thing out 
‘ of the Way that the bad Spirit has brought between 
‘ us, and all the Jealoufy and Fearfulnefs we had of 
‘ one another, and whatever elfe the bad Spirit might 
‘have poifoned your Heart and Mind with. I now, 

‘ by this Belt, clear every Thing away that the bad 
‘ Spirit might have corrupted and poifoned the Heart 
‘ and Mind with, that nothingof it may be left. More- 
‘ over, let us look up to God, and beg for his Affift- 
‘ance, that he may put into our Hearts what pleafes 


( M6 ) 

‘him, and join us clofe in that brotherly Love and 
‘Friendfiiip, which our Grandfathers had. We af- 
c fure you of our Love towards you. 

A Belt of 11 Rows. 

c Brothers at Allegheny , hearken to what I fay: 

c We began to hear of you from Wellemeghihink , who 
4 returned from Allegheny. We heard you had had but 
4 a flight confufed Account of us, and did not know of 
4 the Peace we made twelve Months pad in Eafton. It 
4 was then agreed, that the large Belt of Peace fhould 
4 be fent to you at Allegheny. As thefe our two old 
4 Friends from Allegheny , who are well known to many 
4 here, found an Opening to come to our Council Fire, 

4 to fee with their own Eyes, to fit with us Face to 
4 Face, to hear with their own Ears every Thing that 
4 has been tranfa&ed between us; it gives me and all 
4 the People of the Province great Pleafure to fee 
4 them among us. And I affure all my Brethren at 
4 Allegheny , that nothing would pleafe me and all the 
4 People of the Province better, than to fee our 
4 Countrymen the Delawares well fettled among us. 

A Belt. 

4 Hearken, my Brethren at Allegheny. When we 
4 began to make Peace with the Delawares Twelve 
4 Months ago in Behalf of Ten other Nations, we 
4 opened the Road, and cleared the Bulhes from the 
4 Blood, and gathered all the Bones on both Sides to¬ 
gether; and when we had brought them together in 
4 one Heap, we could find no Place to bury them: 

4 We would not bury them as our Grandfathers did. 

4 They buried them under Ground where they may be 
4 found again. We prayed to God that he would have 
4 Mercy on us, and take all thefe Bones away from us, 

4 and hide them that they might never be found any 
4 more; and take from both Sides all the Remembrance 
4 of them out of our Heart and Mind. And we have a 
4 firm Confidence that God will be pleafed to take all 

4 the 


( 147 ) 

c the Bones and hide them from us, that they may never 
4 be remembered by us while we live, nor our Chil¬ 
dren, nor Grand-Children hereafter. The Hatchet 
c was buried on both Sides, and large Belts of Peace 
c exchanged. Since we have cleared every Thing from 
£ the Heart, and taken every Thing out of the Way; 
c now my Brethren at Allegheny , every one that hears 
c me, if you will join with us in that brotherly Love 
c and Friendfhip, which our Grandfathers had, we allure 
c you, that all pad Offences fhall be forgotten, and 
c never more talked of by us, our Children and Grand 
‘ Children hereafter. This Belt allures you of our Sin¬ 
cerity, and honed and upright Heart towards you. 

A Belt of 7 Rows. 

‘ Hearken, Brethren at Allegheny. 1 have told you 
‘ that we really made Peace with Part of your Nation 
‘Twelve Months pad; I now by this Belt open the 
‘ Road from Allegheny to our Council-Fire, where 
‘ your Grandfathers kept good Councils with us, 

‘ that all may pafs without Moledation or Danger. 

‘ You mud be fenfible, that unlefs a Road be kept 
‘open, People at Variance can never come together 
‘ to make up their Differences. Meflengers are free 
‘ in all Nations throughout the World, by a particu¬ 
lar Token. Now Brethren at Allegheny , 1 delire 
‘you will join with me in keeping the Road open, 

‘ and let us know in what Manner we may come free 
‘to you, and what the Token fhall be. I join both 
‘ my Hands to yours and will do all in my Power to 
‘ keep the Road open. 

A Belt of 7 Rows. 

‘Now, Brethren at Allegheny , hear what I fay. 

‘ Every one that lays hold of this Belt of Peace, I 
‘proclaim Peace to them from the Englijh Nation, 

‘ and let you know that the great King of England 
‘does not incline to have War with the Indians , but 
‘ he wants to live in Peace and Love with them, if 

they 


( i4» ) 

‘ they will lay down the Hatchet and leave off War 
‘ againft him. 

‘We love you farther; we let you know that the 
‘great King of England has fent a great Number of 
‘Warriors into this Country, not to go to war againft 
‘the Indians in their Towns, no not at all;—Thefe 
‘ Warriors are going againft the French , they are on the 
‘ March to the Ohio to revenge the Blood they have 
‘ fhed. And by this Belt I take you by the Hand, and 
‘ lead you at a Diftance from the French , for your own 
‘ Safety, that your Legs may not be ftained with Blood. 

‘ Come away on this Side of the Mountain, where we 
‘ may oftner converfe together, and where your own 
‘ Flefh and Blood lives. We look upon you as our 
‘ Countrymen that fprung out of the fame Ground with 
‘us; we think therefore that it is our Duty to take 
‘ Care of you, and we in brotherly Love advife you to 
‘ come away with your whole Nation, and as many of 
‘ your Friends as you can get to follow you. Wedon’t 
‘ come to hurt you, we love you, therefore we do not 
‘ call you to War, that you may be ftain,—What Bene- 
‘ fit will it be to you to go to war with your own Flefh 
‘ and Blood? We wifh you may live without Fear or 
‘ Danger with your Women and Children. 

Fhe large Peace Belt. 

‘ Brethren, I have almoft finifhed what I had to 
‘ fay, and hope it will be to your Satisfaction ; my 
‘Wifh is that we may join clofe together in that old 
‘brotherly Love and Friendfhip which our Grand¬ 
fathers had, fo that all the Nations may hear and 
‘ fee us and have the Benefit of it; and if you have 
‘any Uneafinefs or Complaint in your Heart and 
‘ Mind, do not keep it to yourfelf. We have opened 
‘ the Road to the Council-Fire, therefore my Brethren 
‘ come and acquaint the Governor of it; you will be 
‘readily heard and full Juftice done you. 

A Belt. 


‘ Bre- 


( '49 ) 


4 Brethren, 

One Thing I muft bring to your Remembrance. 
4 You know if any Body lofes a little Child, or Tome 
4 Body takes it from him, he cannot be eafy, he will 
4 think on his Child by Day and Night: Since our 
4 Flefh and Blood is in Captivity in the Indian Towns, 
4 we defire you will rejoice the Country’s Heart and 
4 bring them to me, I fhall ftretch out my Arms to 
4 receive you kindly. 

A String. 

Alter I had done, I left my Belts and Strings ftill 
before them. The Delawares took them all up, and 
laid them before the JVIingoeI x \ upon which they rofe 
up and fpoke as follows. 

4 Chau , What I have heard pleafes me well, I don’t 
4 know why I go to war againft the Englifh. Noques , 
4 What do you think? You muft be ftrong. I did 
4 not begin the War, therefore I have little to fay, but 
4 whatever you agree to I will do the fame.’ Then he 
addreffed himfelf to the Shawaneje , and faid, 4 You 
4 brought the Hatchet to us from the French , and 
4 perfuaded us to ftrike our Brothers the Englifh ; you 
4 may confider (laying the Belts, &c. before them,) 

4 wherefore you have done this.’ 

The Shawaneje acknowledged they received the 
Hatchet from the French , who perfuaded them to 
ftrike the Englifh ; that they would now fend the Belts 
to all the Indians , and in twelve Days would meet again. 

Prefent at this Council, Three hundred French and 
Indians. They all took Leave and went over again 
to the Fort, but my Companions who were about 
Seventy in Number. 

Shamokin Daniel who came with me, went over to the 
Fort by himfelf (which my Companions difapproved 
of) and counfelled with the Governor; who prefented 
him with a laced Coat and Hat, a Blanket, Shirts, 

* The Six Nation Indians. 

Rib- 


( I 5° ) 

Ribbons, a new Gun, Powder, Lead, &c. When he re¬ 
turned he was quite changed, and faid, c See here you 
£ Fools, what the French have given me. I was in Phi- 
£ ladelfhia and never received a Farthing; and (directing 
£ himfelf to me) faid, the Englifh are Fools and fo are 
‘you.’ In fhort, he behaved in a very proud, faucy 
and imperious Manner. He further faid, the Englifh 
never give the Indians any Powder, and that the French 
would have given him a Horfe-Load if he would have 
taken it; ‘See that young Man there, he was in Phila- 
£ delphia and never got any Thing; I will take him over 
£ to the French and get fome Cloathing for him.’ 

Three Indians informed me, that as foon as the 
French got over, they called a Council with their own 
Indians , among whom there happened accidentally to 
be a Delaware Captain, who was privately invited by 
one of his Acquaintances to hear what the French had 
to fay; and when they were affembled, the French 
fpoke as follows: 

£ My Children, now we are alone, hearken to what 
£ I have to fay. I perceive the Delawares are wavering; 

£ they incline to the Englifh , and will be faithful to us 
£ no longer. Now all their Chiefs are here, and but a 
£ handful, let us cut them off, and then we fhall be 
£ troubled with them no longer.’ Then the Tawaas 
anfwered, No, c We can’t do this Thing; for, though 
‘there is but a Handful here, the Delawares are a 
£ ftrong People, and are fpread to a great Diftance, 

£ and whatever they do agree to, muff be.’ 

This Afternoon, in Council, on the other Side of 
the River, the French infilled that I mufl be delivered 
up to them, and that it was not lawful for me to go 
away; which occafioned a Quarrel between them and 
the Indians , who immediately came away and croffed 
the River to me; and fome of them let me know, 
that Daniel had received a String from the French to 
leave me there; but ’twas to no Purpofe, for they 
would not give their Confent; and then agreed, that 
I lhould fet off before Day the next Morning. 

27th. 


( ) 

27th. Accordingly I fet out before day, with fix 
Indians , and took another Road that we might not be 
feen; the main Body told me they would ftay behind, 
to know whether the French would make an Attempt 
to take me by Force; that if they did, they the Indians 
would endeavour to prevent their eroding the River, 
and coming fecretly upon me. Juft as I fet off the 
French fired all their great Guns, it being Sunday (I 
counted nineteen) and concluded they did the fame 
every Sabbath. We pafied thro’ three Shawanefe 
Towns, the Indians appeared very proud to fee me 
return, and we arrived about Night at Sawcunk , where 
they were likewife very glad to fee me return. Here 
I met with the two Captains, who treated me fo un¬ 
civilly before; they now received me very kindly and 
accepted of my Hand and apologized for their former 
rude Behaviour. Their Names are Kuckquetackton 
and Killbuck. They faid, 

‘ Brother, we in behalf of the People of Sawcunk 
‘ defire that you will hold faft what you have begun, 
‘and be ftrong*. We are but little and poor, and 
‘ therefore cannot do much. You are rich, and muft 
‘go on and be ftrong. We have done all in our 
‘Power towards bringing about a Peace: We have 
‘ had a great Quarrel about you with the French , but 
‘we don’t mind them. Do you make hafte, and be 
‘ ftrong, and let us fee you again.’ The faid Killbuck 
is a great Captain and Conjurer; he defired me to 
mention him to the Governor; and alk him if he 
would be pleafed to fend him a good Saddle by the 
next Meftenger; and that he would do all in his 
Power for the Service of the Englifh. 

28th. We fet out from Sawcunk , in Company with 
twenty, for Kujhcujhkee ; on the Road Shingas addrefled 
himfelf to me, and alked, if I did not think, that if 
he came to the Fngli/h they would hang him, as they 

* That is, go on fteadily with this good Work of eftablifliing a 
Peace. 


had 


( * 5 2 ) 

had offered a great Reward for his Head. He fpoke 
in a very ioft and eafy Manner. I told him, that was 
a great while ago, ’twas all forgotten and wiped clean 
away; that the Englifh would receive him very kind¬ 
ly.-Then Daniel interrupted me, and faid to 

Shingas , ‘ Don’t believe him, he tells nothing but idle 
‘lying Stories. Wherefore did the Englifh hire 1200 
c Indians * to kill us.’ I protected it was falfe ; he faid, 
‘ G-d d—n youf for a Fool; did not you fee the 
‘ Woman lying in the Road that was killed by the 
‘ Indians that the Englifh hired/ I faid, c Brother, do 
£ confider how many thoufand Indians the French have 
£ hired to kill the Englifh , and how many they have 
‘killed along our Frontiers/ Then Daniel faid, 

‘ D-n you, why don’t you and the French fight 

‘ on the Sea ? You come here only to cheat the poor 
‘ Indians , and take their Land from them.” Then 
Shingas told him to be dill, for he did not know what 
he faid. We arrived at Kufhcufhkee before Night, and 
I informed Pifquetumen of Daniel's Behaviour, at 
which he appeared forry. 

29th. I dined with Shingas ; he told me, tho’ the 
Englifh had fet a great Price on his Head, he had 
never thought to revenge himfelf, but was always very 
kind to any Prifoners that were brought in; and that 
he affured the Governor, he would do all in his Power 
to bring about an edablifh’d Peace, and wifhed he 
could be certain of the Englifh being in earned:. 

Then feven Chiefs prefent faid, when the Governor 
fends the next Meffenger, let him fend two or three 
white Men at lead to confirm the Thing, and not 
fend fuch a Man as Daniel ; they did not underdand 
him, he always fpeaks, faid they, as if he was drunk; 
and if a great many of them had not known me, they 
fhould not know what to think; for every Thing I 

* The Cherokee5 , meaning. 

f Some of the firft Englifh Speech that the Indians learn from 
the Traders in Swearing. 

faid, 




( 1 53 ) 

faid, he contradicted. I affured them I would faith¬ 
fully inform the Governor of what they faid, and they 
fhould fee, as Meffengers, otherguife Indians than 
Daniel for the time to come; and I farther informed 
them, that he was not fent by the Governor, but came 
ot his own Accord, and I would endeavour to prevent 
his coming again.— Daniel demanded of me his Pay, 
and I gave him three Dollars, and he took as much 
Wampum from me as he pleafed, and would not fuffer 
me to count it. I imagined there was about two thou- 
fand. 

About Night, nine Fawaas pall by here in their 
Way to the French Fort. 

30th and 31ft. The Indians feafted greatly, during 
which time I feveral Times begged of them to confider 
and difpatch me. 

September 1 ft. Shingas , King-Beaver , Delaware- 
George , and Fifquetumen with feveral other Captains, 
faid to me, ‘Brother, we have thought a great deal 
‘ fince God has brought you to us, and this is a Matter 
‘ of great Confequence which we can’t readily anfwer; 

‘ we think on it, and will anfwer you as foon as we can. 

‘ Our Feafl hinders us; all our young Men, Women 
‘ and Children are glad to fee you: before you came 
‘ they all agreed together to go and join the French , 

‘ but fince they have feen you they all draw back; ’tho 
‘ we have great Reafon to believe, you intend to drive 
‘ us away and fettle the Country, or else why do you 
‘ come to fight in the Land that God has given us.’ 

I faid, we did not intend to take the Land from 
them, but only to drive the French away; they faid 
they knew better, for that they were informed fo by 
one of our greatefl Traders, and fome Juflices of the 
Peace had told them the fame, and the French , faid 
they, tell us much the fame Thing, ‘ That the Englijh 
‘ intend to deftroy us and take our Lands from us, 

‘ but that they are come only to defend us and our 
‘ Lands; but the Land is ours, and not theirs, there- 
‘ fore we fay, if you will be at Peace with us, we will 
u c fend 


( 1 54 ) 

£ fend the French home. ’Tis you that have begun 
£ the War, and ’tis neceftary that you hold fa ft and 
£ be not difcouraged in the Work of Peace. We love 
£ you more than you love us; for when we take any 
£ Prifoners from you, we treat them as our own Chil¬ 
dren. We are poor, and yet we cloath them as well 
£ as we can, tho’ you fee our own Children are as 
£ naked as at the firft. By this you may fee that our 
£ H earts are better than yours. ’Tis plain that you 
£ white People are the Caufe of this War; why don’t 
£ you and the French fight in the old Country, and 
£ on the Sea? Why do you come to fight on our 
£ Land? This makes every Body believe you want 
£ to take the Land from us, by force, and fettle it*.’ 
I told them, ‘Brothers, as for my part I have not 
£ one Foot of Land, nor do I defire to have any; 

£ and if I had any Land, I had rather give it to you, 
‘than take any from you. Yes, Brother, if I dye, 

‘ you will get a little more Land from me, for I fhall 
‘ then no longer walk on that Ground which God 
‘has made. We told you that you fhould keep 
‘nothing in your Heart, but bring it before the 
‘ Council Fire, and before the Governor and his 
‘ Council, they will readily hear you; and I promife 
‘ you, what they anfwer they will ftand to. I further 
‘ read to you what Agreements they made about Wy- 
‘ omingf , and they ftand to them.’ 


* The Indians having plenty of Land, are no Niggards of it. 
They fometimes give large Trafts to their Friends freely, and when 
they fell it, they make moft generous Bargains. But fome fraudu¬ 
lent Purchafes , in which they were grofly impofed on, and fome 
violent Intrufions , imprudently and wickedly made without Purchafe, 
have rendered them jealous that we intend finally to take all from 
them by Force. We fhould endeavour to recover our Credit with 
them by fair Purchafes and honefl Payments; and then there is no 
doubt but they will readily fell us at reafonable Rates as much from 
Time to Time as we can poffibly have occafion for. 

t The Agreement made with Tcedyufcung that he fhould enjoy 
the Wyoming Lands, and have Houfes built there for him and his 
People. 


Thev 


( H5 ) 

They faid, ‘Brother, your Heart is good, you 
c ipeak always fincerely, but we know there are always 
£ a great Number of People that want to get rich, 
‘they never have enough: Look, we don’t want to 
‘ be rich and take away that which others have. God 
‘ has given you the tame Creatures, we dont want to 
‘ take them from you. God has given to us the Deer, 

‘ and other wild Creatures, which we muft feed on ; 
‘and we rejoice in that which fprings out of the 
‘ Ground, and thank God for it. Look now my 
‘ Brother, the white People think we have no Brains 
‘ in our Heads, but that they are great and big, and 
‘ that makes them make War with us: We are but a 
‘ little handful to what you are; but remember, when 
‘you look for a wild Turkey you can’t always find 
‘ it, ’tis fo little it hides itfelf under the Bufhes: And 
‘ when you hunt for a Rattle-Snake, you cannot find 
‘it; and perhaps it will bite you before you fee it. 

‘ However, fince you are fo great and big, and we fo 
‘little, do you ufe your Greatnefs and Strength in 
‘compleating this Work of Peace. This is the firft 
‘Time that we faw or heard of you fince the War 
‘ begun, and we have great Reafon to think about it, 

‘ fince fuch a great Body :!: of you comes in our Lands. 

‘ It is told us, that you and the French contrived the 
‘ War to wafte the Indians between you, and that you 
‘ and the French intended to divide the Land between 
‘you: This was told us by the chief of the Indian 
‘ Traders ; and they faid further, Brothers, this is the 
‘ laft Time we fhall come among you, for the French 
‘ and Englijh intend to kill all the Indians , and then 
‘divide the Lands amongfl themfelves.’ Then they 
addrefied themfelves to me, and faid, ‘ Brother, I fup- 
‘ pofe you know fomething about it, or has the Gover- 
‘ nor ftopped your Mouth that you cannot tell us.’ 

Then I faid, ‘ Brothers, I am very forry to fee you 
‘ fo jealous. I am your own Flefh and Blood, and 

* The Army under General Forbes. 

‘ fooner 


( H 6 ) 

‘ fooner than I would tell you any Story, that would 
‘ be of hurt to you or your Children, I would fuffer 
‘ Death; and if I did not know, that it was the De- 
c fire of the Governor, that we fhould renew our old 
£ brotherly Love and Friendfhip that fubfided between 
£ our Grandfathers, I would not have undertaken this 
‘Journey. I do affure you of mine and the People’s 
‘honedy. If the French had not been here, the En- 
‘glifh would not have come; and conlider, Brothers, 
‘how many People have been killed, dnce the French 
‘ have been here, and then condder, Brothers, whether 
‘ in fuch a Cafe we can always fit dill.’ 

They then faid, c ’Tis a thoufand Pities we did 
‘not know this fooner; if we had, it would have 
‘ been Peace long before now.’ 

Then I faid, ‘My Brothers, I know you have 
‘been wrongly perfuaded by many wicked People; 
‘ for you mud know, there are a great many Papids 
‘in the Country in French Intered, who appear like 
‘ Gentlemen, and have fent many runaway Irijh Pa- 
‘ pids Servants * among you, who have put bad No- 
‘ tions into your Heads, and drengthened you againd 
‘ your Brothers the Englijh. —Brothers, 1 beg that 
‘ you would not believe every idle and falfe Story, 
‘ that ill dedgning People may bring to you, againd 
‘ us your Brothers. Let us not hearken to what lying 
‘ and foolifh People fay, but let us hear what wife and 
‘ good People fay, they will tell us what’s good for 
‘ us and our Children.’ 

Mem. There are a great Number of Irijh Traders 
now among the Indians , who have always endeavour¬ 
ed to fpirit up the Indians againd the Englijh ; which 
made fome, that I was acquainted with from their 

* The Indian Traders ufed to buy the tranfported Irijh and 
other Convicts as Servants, to be employed in carrying up the 
Goods among the Indians: Many of thofe ran away from their 
Mailers and joined the Indians. The ill Behaviour of thefe People 
has always hurt the Character of the Englijh among the Indians. 


Infancy, 


( l 57 ) 

Infancy, defire the Chiefs to enquire of me, for that 
they were certain I would fpeak the Truth. 

Pifquetumen now told me, we could not go to the 
General, that it was very dangerous, the French hav¬ 
ing fent out feveral Scouts to wait for me on the 
Road.—And farther, Pifquetumen told me, ’twas a 
Pity the Governor had no Ear 1 ' to bring him in In¬ 
telligence; that the French had three Ears, whom 
they rewarded with great Prefents; and fignified, that 
he and Shingas would be Ears at the Service of his 

Honour if he pleafed.- 

2d. I bad Shingas to make hafte and difpatch me, 
and once more defired to know of them, if it was 
poffible for them to guide me to the General. Of 
all which they told me they would confider; and 
Shingas gave me his Hand and faid, ‘Brother, the 
‘ next Time you come I will return with you to 
c Philadelphia , and will do all in my Power to prevent 

‘any Body’s coming to hurt the Englijh more.”- 

3d. To Day I found myfelf unwell, and made a 
little Tea, which refrefhed me. Had many very 
pretty Difcourfes with George. In the Afternoon 
they called a Council together and gave me the fol¬ 
lowing Anfwer in Council; the Speaker addreffing 
the Governor and People of Pennjylvania: 

‘ Brethren, it is a great many Days fince we have 
‘ feen and heard youf. I now fpeak to you in Behalf 
‘of all the Nations that have heard you heretofore. 

‘ Brethren, it is the firft Meffage which we have feen 
‘ or heard from you. Brethren, you have talked of 

* No Spy among his Enemies. 

t That is. Since we had a friendly Intercourfe with each other. 
The frequent Repetition of the Word Brethren , is the Effett of 
their Rules of Politenefs, which enjoin in all Converlations a con- 
ftant Remembrance of the Relation fubfifling between the Parties, 
efpecially where that Relation implies any Affeftion or Refpett. 
It is like the perpetual Repetitions among us of Sir , or Madam , 
or your Lordfhip. In the fame Manner the Indians at every Sen¬ 
tence repeat. My Father , my Uncle , my Coufin , my Brother , my 
Friend , &c. 


‘ that 




( J 5 8 ) 

£ that Peace and Friendfhip which we had formerly 
‘with you. Brethren, we tell you to be ftrong, and 
‘always remember that Friendfhip which we had for- 
‘ merly. Brethren, we defire you would be ftrong, 
‘and let us once more hear of our good Friendfhip 
‘ and Peace we had formerly. Brethren, we defire 
‘ that you make hafte and let us foon hear of you 
‘again; for as yet we have not heard you rightly. 

Gives a String. 

‘Brethren, hear what I have to fay: Look, 

‘ Brethren, we who have now feen and heard you, 
‘we who are prefent are Part of all the feveral Na¬ 
tions that heard you fome Days ago; we fee that 
‘you are forry we have not that Friendfhip we for- 
‘ merly had.— 

‘ Look, Brethren, we at Allegheny are likewife forry 
‘we have not that Friendfhip with you we formerly 
‘had. Brethren, we long for that Peace and Friend- 
‘ fhip we had formerly. Brethren, it is good that 
‘ you defire that Friendfhip that was formerly among 
‘our Fathers and Grandfathers. Brethren, we will 
‘tell you, you muff not let that Friendfhip be quite 
‘loft which was formerly between us. Now, Bre¬ 
thren, it is three Years fince we dropt that Peace 
‘and Friendfhip which we formerly had with you. 
‘ Brethren, it was dropt, and lay buried in the 
‘ Ground where you and I hand, in the Middle be- 
‘ tween us both. Brethren, I fee you have digged 
‘up and revived that Friendfhip which was buried 
‘in the Ground; and now you have it, hold it faft. 
‘ Do be ftrong, Brethren, and exert yourfelves, that 
‘ that Friendfhip may be well eftablifhed and hnifhed 
‘ between us. Brethren, if you will be ftrong, it is 
‘in your Power to finifh that Peace and Friendfhip 
‘ well. Therefore, Brethren, we defire you to be 
‘ ftrong and eftablifh it, and make known to all the 
‘ Englijh this Peace and Friendfhip, that it may em- 
‘ brace all and cover all. As you are of one Nation 
‘ and Colour in all the Englijh Governments, fo let 

‘ the 


{ ! 59 ) 


4 the Peace be the fame with all. Brethren, when 
‘ you have finifhed this Peace which you have begun; 

£ when it is known every where amongft your Bre- 
c thren, and you have everywhere agreed together 
c on this Peace and Friendfhip, then you will be 
‘ pleafed to fend the great Peace-Belt to us at the 
£ Allegheny .- 

£ Brethren, when you have fettled this Peace and 
£ Friendfhip, and finifhed it well, and you fend the 
£ great Peace-Belt to me, I will fend it to all the 
£ Nations of my Colour, they will all join to it and 
£ we all will hold it faff.- 

£ Brethren, when all the Nations join to this 
£ Friendfhip, then the Day will begin to fhine clear 
£ over us. When we hear once more of you, and 
£ we join together, then the Day will be ftill, and no 
£ Wind or Storm will come over us to difturb us. 

£ Now, Brethren, you know our Hearts and what 
£ we have to fay; be ftrong; if you do what we 
‘have now told you, in this Peace all the Nations 
‘agree to join. Now, Brethren, let the King of 
‘ England know what our Mind is as foon as pofhbly 

r > > 

you can . 

Gives a Belt of eight Rows. 

I received the above Speech and Belt from the 
underwritten, who are all Captains and Counfel- 
lors.- 


Beaver , King. 
Delaware George , 
Pifquetomen , 
Tajucamin , 
Awakanomin , 
Cufhawmekwy , 
Keyheynapalin , 


Captain Peter , 

Macomal , 

Popauce , 

IV i afhaocautaut , 
Cochquacaukehlton , 

John Hickomen , and 
Kill Buck. 

Delaware 


* Jn this Speech the Indians carefully guard the Honour of 
their Nation, by frequently intimating, that the Peace is fought by 
the Englijh. ‘ You have talked of Peace: You are forry for the IVar: 
* You have digged up the Peace that was buried ,’ &c. Then they 

declare 





( i6o ) 


Delaware George fpoke as follows: 

‘ Look, Brothers, we are here of three different 
c Nations. I am of the Unami Nation: I have heard 
‘ all the Speeches that you have made to us with the 
‘many other Nations. 

‘ Brothers, you did let us know, that every one 
‘that takes hold of this Peace-Belt, you would take 
‘them by the Hand and lead them to the Council 
‘ Fire where our Grandfathers kept good Councils. 
‘ So foon as I heard this, I took hold of it. 

‘ Brother, I now let you know that my Heart never 
‘ was parted from you. I am forry that I fhould make 
‘ Friendfhip with the French againfl th zEngli/h. I now 
‘ alfure you my Heart hicks clofe to the Englijh Intereft. 
‘ One of our great Captains, when he heard it, he im- 
‘ mediately took hold of it as well as myfelf. Now, 

‘ my Brother, I let you know that you fhall foon fee 
‘ me by your Council Fire, and then I fhall hear from 
‘you myfelf the plain Truth in every refpedt. 

‘ I love that which is good, like as our Grandfathers 
‘did: They chofe to fpeak the Sentiments of their 
‘ Mind: All the five Nations know me, and know that 
‘ I always fpoke Truth; and fo you fhall find, when 
‘ I come to your Council Fire.’ 


Gives a String. 

The above Delaware George had in Company with 
him 


Cujhawmekwy , John Peter , 

Kehkehnopatin , Stinfeor. 

Captain Peter , 

4th. Prefent Shingas, King Beaver, Pifquetumen , and 
feveral others. I afked what they meant by faying 
they had not rightly heard me yet. They faid, ‘ Brother, 


declare their Readinefs to grant Peace, if the Englijh agree to its 
being general for all the Colonies. The Indian Word, that is 
tranllated be Jirong y fo often repeated, is an Expreffion they ufe to 
fpirit up Perlons who have undertaken fome difficult Talk, as to 
lilt or move a great Weight, or execute a difficult Enterprize; 
nearly equivalent to our Word Courage! Courage! 


‘ you 


( i6 i ) 

c you very well know that you have collected all your 
£ young Men about the Country, which makes a large 
c Body' : '; and now they are Handing before our Doorr[ } 
c you come with good News and fine Speeches. Bro- 
c ther, this is what makes us jealous, and we don’t know 
‘ what to think of it: If you had brought the News of 
c Peace before your Army had begun to march, it 
c would have caufed a great deal more good. We don’t 
c fo readily believe you, becaufe a great many great 
c Men and Traders have told us, long before the War, 
c that you and the French intended to join and cut all 
‘ the Indians off. Thefe were People of your own 
‘ Colour and your own Country Men; and fome told 
£ us to join the French , for that they would be our 
c Fathers: Befides, many Runaways have told us the 
‘ fame Story; and fome we took Prifoners told us how 
‘ you would ufe us if you caught us; Therefore, Bro- 
c ther, I fay, we can’t conclude at this Time, but muft 
‘ fee and hear you once more.’ And, further, they faid, 

‘ Now, Brother, you are here with us, you are our 
‘ Flefh and Blood, fpeak from the Bottom of your 
‘ Heart, will not the French and Englijh join together 
‘to cut off the Indians ; fpeak, Brother, from your 
‘ Heart and tell us the Truth, and let us know who 
‘were the Beginners of the War.’ 

Then I delivered myfelf thus : 

‘ Brothers, I love you from thebottomof my Heart. 

‘ I am extremely forry to fee the Jealoufy fo deeply 
‘ rooted in your Hearts and Minds. I have told you 
‘ the Truth; and yet, if I was to tell it you a hundred 
‘ Times, it feems you would not rightly believe me. 

‘ My Indian Brothers, I wifh you would draw your 
‘ Hearts to God, that He may convince you of the 
‘ Truth. 

‘ I do now declare before God, that the Englijh never 
‘ did, nor never will, join with the French to deftroy 
‘ you. As far as I know, the French are the Beginners 

* Meaning General Forbes 's Army. 

-(- i e. Juft ready to enter our Country. 

‘ of 


v 


( 162 ) 

‘of this War.—Brothers, about twelve Years ago, 
‘ you may remember they had War with the Englijh , 
‘ and they both had agreed to Articles of Peace. The 
‘ Englijh gave up Cape Breton in Acadia , but the French 
‘ never gave up the Part of that Country which they 
‘ had agreed to give up, and in a very little Time made 
‘ their Children ftrike the Englijh. This was the firft 
‘ Caufeof the War. Now, Brothers, if any Body ftrike 
‘ you three Times, one after another, you ftill fit ftill 
‘ and confider: They ftrike you again; then, my Bro- 
‘ thers, you fay ’tis Time, and you will rife up to de¬ 
fend yourfelves. Now, my Brothers, this is exactly 
‘ the Cafe between the French and Englijh. Confider 
‘farther, my Brothers, what a great Number of our 
‘poor back Inhabitants have been killed fince the 
‘ French came to the Ohio. The French are the Caufe 
‘ of their Death, and if they were not there, the En- 
‘ glijh would not trouble themfelves to go there. They 
‘ go no where to War but where the French are. Thofe 
‘wicked People that fet you at Variance with the 
‘ Englijh , by telling you many wicked Stories, are 
‘ Papifts in the French Pay: Befides there are many 
‘ among us in the French Service who appear like 
‘ Gentlemen, and buy Irijh Papift Servants and pro- 
‘ mife them great Rewards to run away to you and 
‘ ftrengthen you againft the Englijh by making them 
‘ appear as black as Devils.’— 

This Day arrived here two hundred French and 
Indians on their Way to Fort Duquefne. They ftaid 
all Night. In the Middle of the Night King Beaver s 
Daughter died, on which a great many Guns were 
fired in the Town. 

5th. It made a general Stop in my Journey. The 
French faid to their Children, they fhould catch me 
privately or get my Scalp. The Commander wanted 
to examine me as he was going to Fort Duquefne. 
When they told me of it, I faid, as he was going to 
Bort Duquefne , he might enquire about me there: I 
had nothing at all to fay or do with the French : They 

would 


( 163 ) 

would tell them every Particular they wanted to know 
in the hort. They all came into the Houfe where 
I was as if they would fee a new Creature. 

In the Afternoon there came fix Indians and brought 
three German Prifoners, and two Scalps of the Cata- 
baws. 

As Daniel blamed the Engli/h that they never paid 
him for his Trouble, I afked him whether he was 
pleafecl with what I paid him. Hefaid, ‘No.’ I faid, 
4 Brother, you took as much as you pleafed. I afked 
4 you whether you was fatisfied; you faid, Yes.’ I told 
him I was afhamed to hear him blame the Country fo. 
I told him, 4 You fhall have for this Journey what¬ 
ever you defire, when I reach the Inhabitants.’— 

6th. P i/quetumen , Pom Hickman andShingas told me, 
4 Brother, it is good that you have flayed fo long 
4 with us; we love to fee you, and wifh to fee you 
4 here longer; but fince you are fo defirous to go, 
4 you may let off To-morrow: PifquetumenYv&s brought 
4 you here, and he may carry you Home again: You 
4 have feen us, and we have talked a great Deal to¬ 
gether, which we have not done for a long Time 
4 before. Now, Brother, we love you, but can’t help 
‘wondering why the Engli/h and French don’t make 
4 it up with one another, and tell one another not to 
4 fight on our Land.’ 

I told them, 4 Brother, if the Engli/h told the 
4 French fo a thoufand Times, they never would go 
4 away. Brother, you know fo long as the World 
4 has ftood there has not been fuch a War. You 
4 know when the French lived on the other Side, the 
4 War was there, and here we lived in Peace. Con- 
4 fider how many Thoufand Men are killed and how 
4 many Houfes are burned fince the French lived here; 

4 if they had not been here it would not have been 
c fo; you know we don’t blame you, we blame the 
4 French , they are the Caufe of this War, therefore 
4 we don’t come to hurt you, but to chaftife the 
4 French .’ 


They 


I i6 4 ) 

They told me that at the great Council held at 
Onondago among the Five Nations before the War 
began ( Conrad Weijer was there and wrote every 
Thing down) it was faid to the Indians at the Ohio 
that they fhould let the French alone there and leave it 
entirely to the Five Nations ; the Five Nations would 
know what to do with them. Yet foon after two hun¬ 
dred French and Indians came and built Fort Duquejne. 

King Beaver and Shingas fpoke to Pifquetumen , 
c Brother, you told us, that the Governor of Phila¬ 
delphia and Feedyufcung took this Man out of their 
‘ Bofoms and put him into your Bofom, that you 
‘fhould bring him here; and you have brought him 
‘ here to us, and we have feen and heard him, and 
‘ now we give him into your Bofom to bring him to 
‘the fame Place again before the Governor; but 
‘don’t let him quite loofe; we fhall rejoice when we 
‘ fhall fee him here again.’—They defired me to 
‘ fpeak to the Governor in their Behalf as follows: 

‘ Brother, we beg you to remember our oldeft Bro- 
‘ ther Pifquetumen , and furnifh him with good Cloaths 
‘ and reward him well for his Trouble, for we all fhall 
‘ look upon him when he comes back.’— 

7th. When we were ready to go they began to 
council which Courfe we fhould go to be fafeft, and 
then they hunted for the Horfes, but could not find 
them, and fo we loft that Day’s Journey. It is a 
troublefome Crofs and heavy Yoke to draw this 
People: They can punifh and fqueeze a Body’s 
Heart to the utmoft. I fufpetf: the Reafon they 
kept me here fo long was by Inftigation of the 
French. I remember lomebody told me, the French 
told them to keep me twelve Days longer, for that 
they were afraid I fhould get back too foon and give 
Information to the General. My Heart has been 
very heavy here becaufe they kept me for no Pur- 
pofe. The Ford knows how they have been coun¬ 
selling about my Life, but they did not know who 
was my Protestor and Deliverer: I believe mv Lord 

J 

has 


( i6 5 ) 

has been too ftrong againft them, my Enemies have 
done what lies in their Power. 

8th. We prepared for our Journey in the Morning, 
and made ourfelves ready. There came fome together 
and examined me what I had wrote Yefterday. I 
told them I wondered what need they had to concern 
themfelves about my Writing. They faid, if they 
knowed I had wrote about the Prifoners, they would 
not let me go out of the Town. I told them what I 
writ was my Duty to do. ‘ Brothers, I tell you I am 
c not afraid of you if there were a thoufand more. I 
‘have a good Confcience before God and Man. I 
c tell you I have wrote nothing about the Prifoners. 
‘ I tell you, Brothers, this is not good; there’s a bad 
c Spirit in your Heart which breeds that Jealoufy, 
‘and it will keep you ever in Fear that you will 
‘ never get Reft. I beg you would pray to God for 
‘ Grace to reftft that wicked Spirit that breeds fuch 
‘wicked Jealouftes in you, which is the Reafon you 
‘have kept me here fo long. How often have I 
‘ begged of you to difpatch me? I am afhamed to fee 
‘ you fo jealous: I am not in the leaft afraid of you. 
‘Have not I brought Writings to you? and what, 
‘do you think I muft not carry fome Home to the 
‘Governor? or fhall I fhut my Mouth and fay no¬ 
thing? Look into your own Hearts and fee if it 
‘ would be right or wrong, if any Body gives a Saluta¬ 
tion to their Friends, and it is not returned in the 
‘fame Way. You told me many Times how kind 
‘ you were to the Prifoners, and now you are afraid 
‘that any of them fhould fpeak to me.’—They told 
me they had Caufe to be afraid, and then made a 
Draught and fhewed me how they were furrounded 
with War. Then I told them, if they would be quiet 
and keep at a Diftance, they need not fear. Then 
they went away, very much afhamed, one after an¬ 
other.—I told my Men that we fhould make hafte 
and go; and accordingly we fet off in the Afternoon 
from Kufhkujhkee and came ten Miles. 

qth. We 



( 166 ) 

9th. We took a little Foot-Path hardly to be feen. 
We loft it, and went through thick Bufhes till we 
came to a Mire, which we did not fee till we were in 
it, and Tom Hickman fell in and almoft broke his Leg. 
We had hard Work before we could get the Horfe out 
again. The Lord helped me that I got fafe from my 
Horfe. I and Pijquetumen had enough to do to come 
through. We pafted many fuch Places: It rained all 
Day, and we got a double Portion of it becaufe we re¬ 
ceived all that hung on the Bufhes. We were as wet 
as if we were fwimming all the Day, and at Night we 
laid ourfelves down in a fwampy Place to fteep, where 
we had nothing but the Heavens for our Covering. 

10th. We had but little to live on. Tom Hickman 
fhot a Deer .on the Road. Every Thing here upon 
the Ohio is extremely dear, much more fo than in 
Pennfylvania: I gave for one Difh of Corn four hun¬ 
dred and ftxty Wampum. They told me that the Go¬ 
vernor of Fort Puquejne kept a Store of his own, and 
that all the Indians muft come and buy the Goods of 
him; and when they come to buy, he tells them, if 
they will go to War, they ftiall have as much Goods 
as they pleafe.— Before I fet off*, I heard further, that 
a French Captain who goes to all the Indian Towns*, 
came to Sacunck , and laid, ‘ Children, will not you 
‘come and help your Father againft the Englijh?’ 
They anfwered, * Why fhould we go to war againft 
‘our Brethren? they are now our Friends.’ ‘O! 

‘ Children,’ faid he, ‘I hope you don’t own them for 
‘Friends.’ ‘Yes,’ faid they, ‘we do; we are their 
‘ Friends, and we hope they will remain ours.’ ‘ O! 

‘ Children,’ faid he, ‘you muft not believe what you 
‘ have heard and what has been told you by that 
‘ Man. They faid to him, ‘Yes, we do believe him 
‘ more than we do you: It was you that fet us againft 
‘ them; and we will by and by have Peace with them :’ 

He was fent to collect the Indians together to attack General 
Forbes's Army once more on their March. 


And 


V l6 7 ) 

And then he fpoke not a Word more, but returned 
to the bort.—So I hope home Good is done: Praifed 
be the Name of the Lord. 

i ith. Being Monday , we went over to Antigoc: We 
went down a vaft deep Hill, and our Horfes dipt fo 
that I expected every Moment they would fall Heels 
over Head.—We found frefh Indian Tracks on the 
other Side of the River. We eroded Allegheny River, 
and went through the Bufhes upon a high Hill and 
dept upon the Side of the Mountain without Fire 
for fear of the Enemy. It was a cold Night, and I 
had but a thin Blanket to cover myfelf. 

12th. We made a little Fire to warm ourfelves in 
the Morning. Our Horfes began to be weary with 
climbing up and down thefe deep Mountains. We 
came this Night to the Top of a Mountain, where we 
found a Log-houfe. Here we made a fmall Firejud 
to boil ourfelves a little Victuals. The Indians were 
very much afraid, and lay with their Guns and Tom- 
hocks on all Night. They heard fomebody run and 
whifper in the Night. I dept very found, and in the 
Morning they afked me if I was not afraid the Enemy 
Indians would kill me. I faid ‘No, I am not afraid of 
‘the Indians nor the Devil himfelf: I fear my great 
‘Creator God.’—‘Aye,’ they faid, ‘you know you 
‘ will go to a good Place when you die; but we don’t 
‘know that; that makes us afraid.’ 

13th. In the Afternoon we twice eroded Chowatin , 
and came to Poncheftanning , an old deferted Indian 
Town that lies on the fame Creek. We went through 
a bad Swamp where was very thick lharp Thorns, fo 
that they tore our Cloaths and Flefh, both Hands 
and Face, to a bad Degree. We had this kind of 
Road all the Day. In the Evening we made a Fire, 
and then they heard fomething rufh in the Bufhes as 
though they heard fomebody walk. Then we went 
about three Gun-fhot from our Fire, and could not 
find a Place to lye down for the innumerable Rocks; 
fo that we were obliged to get fmall Stones to dll up 


( 168 ) 

the hollow Places in the Rocks for our Bed; but it 
was very uneafy; almoft Shirt and Skin grew together. 
They kept Watch one after another all Night. 

14th. In the Morning I afked them what made 
them afraid. They faid I knew nothing; the French 
had fet a great Price on my Head, and they knew 
there was gone out a great Scout to lye in wait for 
me. We went over great Mountains and a very bad 
Road. 

15th. We came to Sujquehannah and crofted it ftx 
Times, and came to Catamawejhink , where had been 
an old Indian Town. In the Evening there came 
three Indians and faid they faw two Indian Tracks 
which came to the Place where we llept, and turned 
back as if to give Information of us to a Party; fo 
that we were fure they followed us. 

16th and 17th. We eroded the Mountain. 

18th. Came to the Big IJland , where having nothing 
to live on, we were obliged to day to hunt. 

19th. We met with 20 Warriors who were return¬ 
ing from the Inhabitants, with five Prifoners and one 
Scalp; fix of them were Delawares , the reft Mingoes. 
We fat down all in one Ring together. I informed 
them where I had been and what was done; they afked 
me to go back a little, and fo I did, and flept all 
Night with them. I informed them of the Particu¬ 
lars of the Peace propofed; they faid, if they had 
known fo much before, they would not have gone to 
War.—‘Be ftrong; if you make a good Peace, then 
‘ we will bring all the Prifoners back again.’ They 
killed two Deer and gave me one. 

20th. We took Leave of each other and went on 
our Journey, and arrived the 22d at Fort Augufta in 
the Afternoon, very weary and hungry, but greatly 
rejoiced of our return from this tedious Journey. 

There is not a prouder, or more high-minded 
People in themfelves than the Indians. They think 
themfelves the wifeft and prudenteft Men in the 
World, and look upon all the Reft of Mankind as 

Fools 


( l6 9 ) 

b ools if they do not confent to their Way of thinking. 
They think themfelves to be the ftrongeft People in 
the World; and that they can overpower both the 
French and Engli/h when they pleafe. The white Peo¬ 
ple are in their Eyes nothing at all. They fay that 
through their conjuring Craft they can do what they 
pleafe, and nothing can withfliand them. In their Way 
of fighting they have this Method, to fee that they 
firff fhoot the Officers and Commanders; and then, 
they fay, we ffiall be fure to have them. They alfo 
fay, that if their Conjurers run through the Middle 
of our People, no Bullet can hurt them. They fay 
too, that when they have fhot the Commanders the 
Soldiers will all be confufed, and will not know what 
to do. They fay of themfelves, that every one of 
them is like a King and Captain, and fights for him- 
felf. By this Way they imagine they can overthrow 
any Body of Men that may come againft them. They 
fay, ‘The Engli/h People are Fools; they hold their 
‘Guns half Man high and then let them fnap: We 
‘ take Sight, and have them at a Shot, and fo do the 
‘ French .’ They do not only fhoot with a Bullet, but 
big Swan Shot. They fay the French load with a 
Bullet and fix Swan-Shot. They farther fay, ‘We 
‘ take Care to have the firfl Shot at our Enemies, and 
‘ then they are half dead before they begin to fight.’ 

The Indians are a People full of Jealoufy, and will 
not eafily truft any Body, and they are very eafily 
affronted and brought into Jealoufy; then afterwards 
they will have nothing at all to do with thofe they 
fufped:; and it is not brought fo eafy out of their 
Minds; they keep it to their Graves, and leave the 
Seed of it in their Children and Grand-Children’s 
Minds; fo if they can they will revenge themfelves 
for every imagined Injury. They are a very diftruft- 
ful People. Through their Imagination and Reafon 
they think themfelves a thoufand Times ftronger than 
all other People. Fort du I/ueJne is faid to be under¬ 
mined. The French have given out, that if we over- 
w power 


( ! 7 ° ) 

power them and they fhould die, we fhould certainly 
all die with them. When I came to the Fort, the 
Garrifon, it was faid, confided of about one thoufand 
four hundred Men, and I am told they will now be 
full three thoufand French and Indians. They are 
almoft all Canadians , and will certainly meet the 
General before he comes to the Fort, in an Ambufh. 
You may depend upon it the French will make no open 
Field-Battle as in the old Country, but lie in Ambufh. 
The Canadians are all Hunters. The Indians have 
agreed to draw back, but how far we may give Credit 
to their Promifes the Lord knows. It is the bed Way 
to be on our guard againd them, as if they really 
could with one thoufand overpower eight thoufand. 

Thirty-two Nights I did lay in the Woods; the 
Heavens were my Covering. The Dew came fo hard 
fometimes that it pinched clofe to the Skin. There 
was nothing that laid fo heavy on my Heart as the 
Man that went along with me. He thwarted me in 
every Thing I faid or did; not that he did it againd 
me but againd the Country on whofe Bufinefs I was 
fent: I was afraid he would overthrow what I went 
about. When he was with the Englijh he would fpeak 
againd the French , and when with the French againd 
the Englijh. The Indians obferved that he was a falfe 
Fellow, and defired me that I would not bring him 
any more to tranfacd any Bufinefs between the Englijh 
and them; and told me it was through his Means I 
could not have the Liberty to talk with the Prifoners. 

Praife and Glory be to the Lamb that has been 
dain, and brought me through the Country of dread¬ 
ful Jealoufy and Midrud, where the Prince of this 
World has his Rule and Government over the Chil¬ 
dren of Difobedience. 

The Lord has preferved me through all the Dan¬ 
gers and Difficulties that I have ever been under. 
He directed me according to his Will by his holy 
Spirit. 1 had no one to converfe with but him. He 
brought me under a thick, heavy and dark Cloud 

into 


( i7i ) 

into the open Air; for which I adore, praife and 
worfhip the Lord my God, that I know has grafped 
me in his Hands, and has forgiven me for all Sins, 
and fent and wafht my Heart with his mod precious 
Blood; that I now live not for myfelf, but for him 
that made me; and to do his holy Will is my Pleaf- 
ure. I own that in the Children of Light there 
dwells another Kind of Spirit than there does in the 
Children of this World; therefore thefe two Spirits 
can’t rightly agree in Fellowfhip. 


Christian Frederick Post. 


The Event of this Negotiation was, That the Indians refufed to 
join the French in attacking General Forbes , to defeat him (as they 
had Braddock) on his March. So the French , defpairing of the 
Fort if the General fhould arrive before it, burnt it, and left the 
Country with the utmoll Precipitation. 


ExtraFl 


( ‘ 7 2 ) 


Extract of a Letter from Philadelphia, dated Dec. io, 

I 75 8 * 

I attended the late Treaty at Eafton. I wifh I could • 
fay the fame Condud as ufual was not purfued. Dur¬ 
ing the whole Treaty two Things were laboured with 
the utmofl Diligence; to leften the Power of Leedyuf- 
cung , and to fave, if poftible, a certain Charader. In 
both they failed; for Leedyufcung^ inftead of lofing has 
increafed his Power, and eftablifhed himfelf at the 
Head of five Tribes. The Indians that lie to the 
North of us, between us and the Lakes, confift of 
three Leagues: The Senekas , Mohawks , and Ononda- 
goes , who are called the Fathers, compofe the firft: 
The Oneidas , Cayugas , Lufcororas , Nanticokes , and 
Conoys , (which are united into one Tribe) and the 
LuteloeSj compofe the fecond League; and thefe two 
Leagues make up what we call the Six Nations. The 
third League is formed of the Chihohocki , (or Dela¬ 
wares ) the JVanami , the Munfeys , Mawhiccons , and 
Wapingers. From all thefe Nations, except two or 
three, we had the chief Sachems with us at Eafton. 
The whole Number of Indians by the beft Account 
we could get, amounted to 501. I fend you a Copy 
of what I there took down from Day to Day; it may 
give you fome Notion of the Proceeding at Eafton , and 
inform you of feveral Things which I doubt not will be 
mifreprefented. I was careful to fet down nothing but 
what I heard or faw myfelf, or received from good 
Authority. The Intimacy I had with feveral of the 
Indians , and the Confidence they have been pleafed 
to repofe in me, gave me an Opportunity of being 
acquainted with what pafled at the private Council. 

On Saturday , OH. 8, the Governor had the firft 
Interview with the Indians , at which very little more 
pafied than the Compliments ufual at a firft Meeting. 
Monday and Luefday the Indians were in clofe Confu¬ 
tation among themfelves. The Place of their Meet- 

inof 

O 


( l 73 ) 

ing at Croghan s. And here let me obferve, that it 
affords fome Matter of Speculation, why Crogh an , who 
is. h ere in no public Capacity, fliould be honoured 
with a Guard at his Door. The Reafon of the Indians 
meeting at his Houfe is more eafily accounted for, as 
he treats them with Liquor, and gives out that he him- 
lelt is an Indian. The Subject in Debate thefe two 
Days, is, Whether what Teedyufcung has done fhall 
ftand, or they are to begin anew? The grand Thing 
aimed at by our Proprietary Managers, is to get 
Teedyufcung to retrad the Charge of Fraud and For¬ 
gery. In order to gain this Point the Senekas and Six 
Nations are privately treated with and prompted to 
undo what has been done, in order, as is pretended, 
to eftablifh their own Authority and gain the Credit 
of the Peace. "Teedyufcung , and his People, abfolutely 
refufe to retrad any Thing they have faid. He infills, 
that what was done in the Beginning of the War, was 
done by and with the Advice and Confent of the Sene¬ 
kas \ that the Reafons he had affigned to the Governor 
for his ftriking the Englifh , are the true and only 
Reafons. The Debates were warm. At Length it is 
agreed, that every Thing already tranfaded between 
Teedyufcung and the Englifh fhall Hand; that at the 
opening the general Council, Teedyufcung fhall make 
a fhort introdudory Speech, after which the Seneka 
and other Chiefs, without invalidating any Thing 
already done, fhall proceed to Bufinefs. 

Matters thus fettled, they break up on Tuefday about 
ii o’Clock, and exped to meet the Governor imme¬ 
diately, but the Meeting is deferred till next Day. 

On IVednefday Morning fome of the Quakers got 
together the Chiefs and Old Men of the feveral Tribes, 
in order to fmoke a Pipe with them. After they had 
broken up, Mr. Chew of the Council, came to invite 
the Committee of Affembly to a Conference, in order 
to fhew them the Speech the Governor intended to 
make to the Indians , and to take their Advice thereon; 
it being before agreed on, that Nothing fhould be faid 

to 


( * 7 + ) 

to the Indians , but what the Committee of Afiembly 
and Commifiioners fhould be previoufly made ac¬ 
quainted with. The Council and Commifiioners being 
agreed, the Indians are defired to meet; while the Chiefs 
were calling them together the Governors agree to go 
to Dinner, and defire the Meeting may be deferred till 
four o’Clock. As the Indians were met when they re¬ 
ceived this, that they might not fcatter, they agree to 
lit down and wait at the Place of Meeting till the Time 
appointed. At four the Governors came, when they 
had taken their Seats, ' Teedyujcung arofe and made a 
Motion to fpeak, but the Governor of New JerJey 
faid, as he had not yet welcomed the Indians , he defired 
to be heard firft, and after welcoming the Indians in the 
Name of his Province, he recapitulated what he had 
done to obtain an Interview with them, confirmed 
what he had faid in the Mefiages he had fent them, pro- 
fefled his Defire to do them Juftice, and live at Peace 
with them, but infilled upon their delivering up thofe 
of his People they had Prifoners among them, with¬ 
out which, he could never be convinced of their Sin¬ 
cerity. He farther added, that as the Senekas and 
Cayugas had undertaken to anfwer his Mefiage to the 
MunfeySj he was ready to hear what they, or any other 
Indians there, had to fay respecting his Province. 

As foon as he had done, Peedyujcung arofe, and ad- 
drefiing the Governors faid, that as he had been 
defired to invite down the feveral Nations of Indians 
he had any Intercourfe with, he had done it; that 
here they were now met, and if they had any Thing 
to fay to the Indians , or the Indians to them, they 
might now fpeak to each other; that for his own 
Part he had Nothing to do but to fit and hear; he 
had already told the Governor of Penjilvania the 
Caufe why he had ftruck him, and had concluded a 
Peace with him, for himfelf and his People, and that 
every Thing which could be done at prelent was con¬ 
cluded and agreed upon, in order to fecure a lading 
Peace. With this he gave a String. 

Then 


( x 75 ) 

I hen Paga/hata the Seneka arofe and faid, That he 
was very glad the Mott High had brought them to¬ 
gether with fuch good Countenances; but that the 
Day was now far Ipent, that the Buf nefs they were 
about was weighty and important; he therefore de- 
fired it might be deferred for the prefent, and that 
he might be heard To-morrow Morning early. On 
Phurjday they met; the Conference was at firft inter¬ 
rupted by Feedyufcungcommg in drunk, and demanding 
of the Governor a Letter that the Alleghenians had 
fent by Pifquetumen. This Letter contained the Speech 
of the Alleghenians , in Anfwer to the Meffage delivered 
to them by Frederic Poft. The Indians entrufted Pojl 
with the Carriage of it; but as he went from Sha?nokin 
to meet the General, he fent it down by the Indians , and 
by fome Miftake inclofed it in a Packet to Bethlehem ; 
fo that when the Indians came to Philadelphia and met 
the Governor, in order to deliver their Speech and 
Belts, they found they had none. This gave them 
great Uneafinefs, but the Governor informing them 
he expected Poft at the Treaty, they agreed to go up 
to Eafton and wait his Coming; and this they did the 
readier, as they had fome Meffages for Peedyufcung. 
But now being informed, that the Governor had re¬ 
ceived from Bethlehem the Letter containing their 
Speech, they defired Peedyujcung to requeft it of the 
Governor that it might be read, as they were eager 
to return, and a great deal depended on the Anfwer 
they were to carry back. As Feedyufcung was too 
drunk to do Bufinefs, Mr. Peters told him that the 
Letter fhould be read at another Time, and begged 
him to have a little Patience. This Buttle being over, 
Pagajhata arofe and fpoke, approving what had been 
faid by the Governor of the JerJeys , and declaring 
that the Minifinks had liftened to the Advice of the 
Senekas , and laid down the Hatchet; and that they, 
the Senekas , had alfo fent the fame Advice to the 
Delawares and Minifinks on the Ohio , and hoped they 
would regard it.—After the Indians had finifhed their 

Speeches, 


( ! 7 6 ) 

Speeches, juft as the Council was going to break up, 
Mr. Norris , Speaker of the Aftembly, arofe, and 
craved the Ear of the Governors, letting them know 
that he understood Reports were propagated among 
the Indians to his Prejudice, and that tended to raife 
Uneafinefs among them, and fet them againft the 
People of the Province. He then called upon Mofes 
\Tetamy , a noted Indian , to declare whether he had 
heard of any Perfon fpreading a Report among the 
Indians , that he was concerned in the Purchafe of 
Lands at or near Wyoming. Tetamy obferved, that 
Teedyufcung was too drunk to enter upon that Matter 
now. Mr. Norris then faid, that as that was the Cafe, 
and as he was obliged to go Home Tomorrow, and 
could not attend another Meeting, he took this Op¬ 
portunity, in the Prefence of both the Governors, 
and of all the Gentlemen prefent, to declare that he 
was neither directly nor indiredly engaged in the 
Purchafe of any Lands at or near Wyoming ; and that 
whoever afterted the contrary erred againft Truth; 
and he deftred Mojes Tetamy would inform the In¬ 
dians of this. 

This Speech was levelled againft G. Croghan , who 
had been fpreading fome falfe Reports among the 
Indians , and endeavouring to fet Teedyufcung againft 
the People of the Province. As Mr. Norris had no 
Opportunity of canvafting the Matter publickly, in 
order to know what Croghan had faid, he next Morn¬ 
ing fent for 'Teedyufcung , who being afked what had 
pafted between him and George Croghan refpe&ing the 
Wyoming Lands, declared, 

That in the Beginning of this Week, G. Croghan 
came to him and told him, that IJaac Norris and a 
Quaker who lived in Philadelphia , had been concerned 
with the New-England People in purchaftng the Lands 
at Wyoming, and that they had paid the Money for the 
faid Lands; that though they endeavoured to make 
the Indians eafy and fatisfied about it, yet whenever 
the Indian Claim to thefe Lands was mentioned, they 

could 


( l 17 ) 

could not bear it, and were very uneafy about it; that 
the laid G. Croghan defired him Jl'eedyujcung ) to fay 
nothing about this Affair to any Body at this Treaty, 
and that if he did not, it was in the Power of him 
the faid George , who adled by Virtue of a Commiffion 
from Sir IV . JohnJon , to fet that Affair right, and to 
fettle the Indians on the faid Lands, notwithffanding 
what thefe Purchafers could do. And Leedynjcung 
declared, that if this fhould prove true, neither he 
nor any other Indians , would fettle on thefe Lands, 
but would refent the Injury. 

This was interpreted by Mojes Letamy , in the Pre¬ 
fence of Amos Strickland , James Wharton , James Child , 
and Abel Jaynes , who fubfcribed their Names as Evi¬ 
dences. And Mr. Norris , in order to fatisfy LeedyuJ- 
cung that the whole was a groundlefs Falfehood, wrote 
and figned and delivered to Leedyujcuyyg a folemn Decla¬ 
ration, that neither he, nor any one for him, to his 
Knowledge, was either direddy, or indirectly, concern¬ 
ed in the Purchale of any Lands at or near Wyoyning. 

This done, he fent for G. Croghan , and read to him 
what ( Teedyufcung\\?L& charged him with; which Croghan 
pofitively denied, and appealed to another Indian who 
was prefent at the Converfation: The other Iyydian 
being called upon, confirmed every Word that Leedy- 
ujcung had faid. Croghan ftill perfifted in denying it, 
and told a plaufible Story which he faid was the SubjeCt 
of their Converfation, as he could fhew from his Diary. 
Mr. Norris told him, it was poffible the Indians might 
have mifunderftood him, and defired him to pruduce 
his Diary; but Croghan refufed that, and faid he would 
fhew it to the Governors at a convenient Time, and 
that it fhould be read in public before the Conference 
broke up. On this one of the Indians obferved, that 
it would be eafy for him to go Home and write down 
what he pleafed, and afterwards pretend he had done 
it before; that the belt Way was to fhew it now, and 
then it might have fome Credit paid to it. This he 
preffed to do, in Vindication of himfelf, and to 
x avoid 


was 


( U 8 ) 

avoid Sufpicion. But he perfifted in refuting, for a 
Reafon, I fuppofe, you will think too obvious to 
mention, and went away in a Paffion. 

It is evident from the Countenance and Favour Crog¬ 
han meets with that he does not aft of himfelf, in thefe 
his Endeavours to embroil Affairs among the Indians. 

On Friday , Olio her 13, a Conference was held, at 
which the Governors fpoke, and the Allegheny Letter 
was read. At the Clofe of the Conference, one Nichos 
a Mohawk made a Speech, which at Con. Wiejer s par¬ 
ticular Requeft was not then interpreted in public. 
The Subftance of the Speech, we were soon after in¬ 
formed, was to difclaim Feedyujcung s Authority. This 
Nichos is G. Croghan s Father-in-Law, and him ’tis 
thought Croghan now makes ufeof to raife Disturbance 
among the Indians , as he found himfelf baffled in his 
other Scheme. He could not prejudice Feedyufcung and 
fet him againft the People of the Province; he there¬ 
fore now labours to fet the Indians againft him by the 
fame Methods, I fuppofe, that he attempted the former. 

On Sunday , October 15, there was a private Confer¬ 
ence at Sculls but neither Feedyufcung nor any of his 
People were there. Next Day a Conference was held 
in public, at which were read the Minutes of what had 
palfed: When they came to what was faid Yefterday 
they flopped; but at the Requeft of the Six Nation 
Chiefs it was read. What concern’d Feedyujcung there, 
feemed little more than whether he Should be con- 
fidered as a King or an Emperor. They did not 
deny his Power over his own Nations, and he never 
claimed (except in his Cups, if then) any Authority 
over the Six Nations ; nay, as the Governor obferved, 
he exprefly declared they were his Superiors, and that 
tho’ he afled as Head for his own four Tribes, he 
afled only as a Meftenger from his Uncles. 

On Wednejday , October 8th, when the Six Nation 
Indians come to return an Anfwer, they gave us a 
Specimen of their FineJJe in Politics. We had been 
harrafted with an Indian War; the Governor called upon 

them 


( 179 ) 

them to declare the Caufes of it. The Chiefs de¬ 
claimed all Concern in it, and declared that it was not 
done by the Advice or Confent of the Public Council 
of the Nations, tho’ they frankly owned fome of their 
young Men had been concerned in it. As Counfel- 
lors they would not undertake to aflign the Caufes of 
their Uneafinefs, or what had induced them to ftrike 
the Englijh , left it fhould appear as if they had coun¬ 
tenanced the War, or at leaft had not been at due 
Pains to prevent it. They therefore left the Warriors 
to Ipeak for themfelves. The Caufes they afligned 
were the fame that had been afligned before. Our 
Managers were very earneft to have the Six Nations 
Speaker fay he fpoke for the Oelawares. However, 
Keedyufcung maintained his Independancy; and as foon 
as Komas King fat down, he arofe and faid, that as his 
Uncles had done, he would fpeak in Behalf of his own 
People; and as his Uncles had mentioned feveral 
Ca u'es of Uneafinefs, he would now mention one in 
Behalf of the Opines , or Wapings , &c. This I find 
differently reprefented in the printed Treaty; but as 
there are feveral other Places liable to Objections, I 
fhall, if I have Leifure, fend you one with fome Notes. 

You fee by Komas Kings, Speech, that what was 
conjectured in the Enquiry relating to the Purchafe 
of 1754, was not groundlefs, and that that Purchafe 
was one main Caufe of the War. 

I find the fame Effect may be attributed to different 
Caufes; for the going away of the Six Nation Chiefs, 
which I, who was not fo clear-fighted as to difcover 
the great Diffatisfaction faid to have been vifible in 
the Countenances of the Indians , attributed to the 
Coldnefs of the Day and the Fatigue of long fitting, 

I find in the printed Treaty afcribed to their Averfion 
to eedyufcung and Difapprobation of what he was fay¬ 
ing.—The next Day the Munjeys , diffatisfied with fome 
Part of the Six Nations Conduct, demanded and re¬ 
ceived back the Belt by which they had put themfelves 
and their Affairs under their Direction, and gave it to 

C Teedyufcung 



( i#° ) 

'Teedyujcung . The Clofe of the Conference on Friday , 
Oblober 20th, was nothing- but Confufion. After the 
Governor had done, Nicbos the Mohawk faid the Go¬ 
vernor left Things in the Dark; that neither he nor 
any of the Chiefs knew what Lands he meant; if he 
fpoke of the Lands beyond the Mountains, they had 
already confefled their having fold them; but the Go¬ 
vernor had their Deeds, why were not thefe produced 
and fhewn to their Coufins the Delawares? Here C. 
IVeifer went and brought the Deed of 1749. Nicbos 
acknowledged the Deed. It was fhewn to < TeedyuJcung\ 
but he could not readily be made to underftand why 
it was now brought, all Matters relating to Land 
being as he thought referred to the Determination of 
the King. Governor Bernard of the Jerfeys , who had 
fomething to fay, had feveral Times defired to be 
heard; but the Affair of the Deed fo engroffed the 
Attention of our Governor, his Council, and Inter¬ 
preter, that no Regard was paid to what Governor 
Bernard defired. In fhort their Behaviour on the 
Occafion was fo very impolite, that many could not 
help blufhing for them. And at the la ft, the pro¬ 
ducing the Deed raifed fuch a Commotion among 
the Indians , that they broke up without giving Go¬ 
vernor Bernard an Opportunity to fpeak a Word. 

Next Day a private Conference was held with the 
Chiefs of the Indians. As our People have not 
thought fit to publifh it, I fhall give it to you as I 
had it from fome who were prefent. 

Feedyujcung taking out a String of white and black 
Wampum, told the Council and Commifiioners (the 
Governor was not there) that he had made Enquiry 
concerning the Deed produced Yefterday, and was fa- 
tisfied his Uncles had fold the Land defcrib’d therein; 
he faw likewife that Nutimus the Delaware Chief had 
fign'ed the Deed, and found upon Inquiry that he had 
received forty four Dollars, part of the Confideration- 
Money. This being the Cafe, he would make no Dif- 
pute about that Deed, but was ready to confirm it; for 

he 


V 1B1 ) 

he wanted to be at Peace with his Brothers the Englijh. 
But he obferved, that his confirming that Deed would 
not affeft the Claims he had formerly made; for the 
Lands he thought himfelf principally wronged in, lay 
between Iohiccon and the Kittatinny Hills. On this 
he gave a String. After he had delivered the String, 
Tokahayo , a Cayuga Chief, arofe, and in a very warm 
Speech commended the Conduct of Ieedyujcung , and 
at the fame Time feverely reprehended that of the 
Englijh. He told Eeedyujcung , ‘That he himfelf and 
£ the other Chiefs were obliged to him for his Can¬ 
dour and Opennefs; that they plainly perceived he 
c fpoke from the Heart, in the fame Manner they 
‘ ufed to do in ancient Times, when they held Coun- 
‘ cils together. They wifhed they could fay as much 
c of the Englijh ; but it was plain the Englijh either did 
£ not underhand Indian Affairs, or elfe did not a6t 
‘and fpeak with that Sincerity and in the Manner 
‘ they ought. When the Indians delivered Belts, 
‘ they were large and long; but when the Englijh re- 
‘ turned an Anfwer or fpoke, they did it on fmall 
‘ Belts and trifling little Strings*. And yet the En- 
‘ glijh made the Wampum, whereas the Indians were 
‘ obliged to buy it. But the Reafon was, the Indians 
‘fpoke from the Heart, the Englijh only from the 
‘ Mouth. Befides, how little the Englijh attended to 
‘ what was faid appeared from this, that feveral of the 
‘ Belts and Strings they (th z Indians) had given them, 
‘ were loft.’ [That is unanfwered\ for you’ll pleafe to 
obferve no Anfwer was returned to the Complaints 
the Indians made refpebting Carolina , the Ohio Affair, 
or the OpinesI\ ‘ If the Englijh knew no better how 
‘ to manage Indian Affairs, they fhould not call them 
‘together. Here they had invited them down to 
‘ brighten the Chain of Peace, but inftead of that, 
‘ had fpent a Fortnight wrangling and difputing about 

* Among the Indians the Size of the Belts they give with their 
Speeches, is always in Proportion to their Ideas of the greater or 
lefs Importance of the Matters treated of. 


‘ Lands. 


( i8* ) 

‘ Lands. What muft the People of Allegheny think 
c of this Conduct when they are informed of it by 
‘their Meflengers?’ 

On Euefday a public Entertainment was given to 
the Indians , and in the Evening the Chiefs were call¬ 
ed together by R. Peters and C. IVeifer. Hitherto 
the Indians , tho’ feveral Times prefled to it, had de¬ 
ferred giving an Anfwer to the Propofal made on 
Behalf of the Proprietors to releafe back to the In¬ 
dians the Lands of the Purchafe of 1754, Weft of the 
Allegheny Mountains, provided the Indians would 
confirm to them the Refidue of that Purchafe. But 
the Deeds being drawn up agreeable to what the 
Proprietors propofed, it now remained to perfuade 
the Indians to fign them as drawn. And To-night 
’tis faid that is done. I wiflh this may not be a Foun¬ 
dation of frefh Uneafinefs. In public Council they 
declared they would confirm no more of that Land 
than what was fettled in the Year 1754, for which 
only they had received the Conflderation; but all the 
reft they reclaimed. Yet now by the Deed as drawn, 
ten Times, nay I may fay twenty Times as much 
Land is conveyed as was then fettled. For the En- 
glijh Settlements in 1754 extended but a little Way 
up the Juniata and Shermans Creek, whereas the pre- 
fent Grant reaches to the Allegheny Mountains. May 
not the Warriors to whom the Lands have been 
given for hunting Grounds difapprove this Grant as 
they did before, and maintain their Rignt by Force 
of Arms? I wifti this Fear may be groundless. Be- 
fides, I could have wifhed that another Time than 
the Cloje of an Entertainment had been chofen for exe¬ 
cuting the Deeds, confidering the Indians Fondnefs 
for Liquor. 

But I have already too much tranfgrefted upon your 
Patience; I fhall therefore only add that I am, &c. 



* 


Ex- 




I 1*3 ) 


Extract of a Letter from one of the Friendly Affociation 
in Philadelphia , dated December 11, 1758. 

At the late Treaty Eeedyufcung confirmed the Pur- 
chafe of i749 :;: ; his Motives for this Confirmation, 
were to engage the Six Nations to confirm the JVyom- 
ing Lands to him and his People; but fuch Meafures 
were purfued, by our proprietary Managers, to pre¬ 
vent it, and to fet the Indians at variance with each 
other, that all our Arguments, Perfuafions and Pre- 
fents were fcarce fufficient to keep them from an open 
Rupture. 

The Bufinefs was fhamefully delayed from Day to 
Day, which the Minutes are calculated to fcreen; but 
it is well known to us who attended, that the Time was 
fpent in attempting Eeedyufcung s Downfal, and filenc- 
ing or contradi&ing the Complaints he had made; but 
he is really more of a Politician than any of his Op¬ 
ponents, whether in or out of our proprietary Coun¬ 
cil; and if he could be kept fober, might probably 
foon become Emperor of all the neighbouring Nations. 

H is old Secretary not being prefent, when the 
Treaty began, he did not demand the Right of 
having one, and thought it unneceffary, as he was 
determined rather to be a Spectator than active in 
public Bufinefs, fo that we are impofed on in fome 
Minutes of Confequence. 

General Forbes s proceeding with fo much Caution 
has furnifhed Occafion for many imprudent Reflec¬ 
tions; but I believe he purfued the only Method, in 
which he could have fucceeded. Whether he is a 
Soldier or not I cannot judge, nor is it my Bufinefs; 
but I am certain he is a confiderate underftanding 
Man; and it is a Happinefs to thefe Provinces, that 
he prudently determined from the Entrance on the 
Command here; to makeufeof every rational Method 

* This was a Purchafe made by the Proprietors from the Six 
Nations , of Lands claimed by the Delawares. 

of 


( ) 

of conciliating the Friendfhip of the Indians , and draw¬ 
ing them off from the French ; fo that fince we had 
his Countenance and Directions, our pacific Nego¬ 
tiations have been carried on with fome Spirit, and 
have had the defired Effect. 

The Exprefs left the General at Fort Fuquejne 
(now Pitf s-burgb) on the 30th ult. and fays he would 
day to meet the Indians , of whom he expected five 
hundred in a Day or two, having heard they were 
near him on the other Side the River. He will, no 
doubt, provide for divers Matters fhamefully ne¬ 
glected at Eafton , where our proprietary Agents wifely 
releas’d to the Indians all the Lands westward of the 
Mountains, without fo much as ftipulating for the 
keeping a trading Houfe in any Part of that exten- 
five Country. 

This Neglect is now much noticed; and as we are 
affur’d there will be a great Want of Goods there 
this Winter, I am fitting out two Waggons with 
about 5 or 600 1 . worth of Strouds, Blankets, Match- 
coats, &c. which fhall be fent to the General either 
to be fold or given away in fuch Manner, as may 
moft effectually promote the public Intereft: The 
Weather being pleafant and mild, and the Roads 
good, I am in hopes they will be conveyed to Ray s- 
Fown in a few Days. Our Friendly AJfociation have, 
out of their Fund, expended upwards of 2000 1 . but 
the Coft of thefe Goods mu ft be paid (if they are 
given away) out of the Contributions of the Menonifts 
and SwengfelderSj who put about 1500 1 . into my 
Hands for thefe Purpofes. 

I am , &c. 


FINIS. 



AMAP of the P IIOVItXCE of 
P E IN S YE V AY T A . 

intended chiefly toIUuftrcde the Arc omit of the Several 
In d i a tv Ptj r ch a s e s 
made by theiBrOpf Xtt&VX&fi of the faidProvince 
the Clcu-nus made hif the Tw\jo r. 4C I ’ 
on Lands Settled and not Purchased of the m and the Tract 
they note desire may be a/tottedfor themS'olelu^_^ 


Lake 


Wyoming 


PROVINCE 


Shamokm 


juiuata Rirep 


AoctgJ 

VU' 






& New<' aftle 


DeJaxrav 


A B C D defcribes the Lands granted by the 
Indians Walking-Sale, as lately walk¬ 
ed out by W. Pearfon, containing 
330,000 Acres. 

A E F G defcribes the Land of the fame Grant 
according to the Proprietaries Claim, 
containing about 1,000,000 Acres. 

H I K L the Bounds of the Grant made by 
the Six Nations, in 1749, containing 
about 1,500,000 Acres. 

HMNO the Land defired by Teedyufcung to 
be fecured for a Settlement for the 
Indians, containing about 2,000,000 
Acres. 

LHP Q_R S the Bounds of the Purchafe of 
1754, containing about 7,000,000 
Acres. 












































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